Dünyada dotcom balonu olarak bilinen krizin bir benzeri bugün Türkiye'de dijital haber odaları bağlamında meydana gelmektedir. Haber ekonomisi alanında yaşanan belirsizlik ve Türkiye'de medya endüstrisinde gerçekleşen dönüşüm sonucu çok sayıda dijital haber odası ortaya çıkmıştır. Bunların bazıları kâr odaklı, bazıları ise sivil toplum destekli ve kâr amacı taşımayan organizasyonlardır. Kimi haber odaları ise melez finansal modellere sahiptir ve hem reklam gibi geleneksel modellerden hem de hibelerden beslenmektedir. Bu yeni dijital haber odaları, geçmişte dijital ya da geleneksel haber odaları için tam ya da yarı zamanlı olarak içerik üretmiş birçok gazeteciye serbest çalışan olarak içerik ürettirmektedir. Bu da, Türkiye'de dijital çıkışlı haber odaları için haber üreten serbest çalışan bir muhabir komünitesi ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu çalışma, Türkiyeli dijital haber platformları için içerik üreten muhabirlerin çalışma koşullarını dijitalleşmenin güvencesizliğe etkisi bağlamında ele almaktadır. Çalışma, dijital haber odaları için haber üreten serbest çalışan muhabirlerle yapılan derinlemesine mülakatları, araştırmacının 2016-2017 yıllarında Türkiye Gazeteciler Sendikası faaliyetlerine katıldığında edindiği gözlemleri ve dijital haber odaları için serbest çalışan muhabirlerce yanıtlanan anketi esas almaktadır.
The U.S. presidential elections always attract the attention of foreign audiences—who, despite not being able to vote, choose to follow the campaigns closely. For a post that is colloquially dubbed as the “Leader of the Free World,” it is not unexpected to see such an interest coming from nonvoters. Mimicking almost hosting a megaevent, the elections increase the media coverage on the United States, thus making the elections a platform to communicate with the rest of the world and to influence the reputation of the country, or its nation brand. This study postulates that the increasing adoption of social media by campaigns as well as ordinary users, increase the symbolic importance of presidential elections for foreign audiences in two ways. First, foreign audiences no longer passively follow the campaign but rather present their input to sway the American public opinion through social media campaigns. Second, foreign audiences are exposed to a variety of messages ranging from official campaigns to late-night comedy shows to local grassroots movements. The audiences both enjoy a more in-depth understanding of the elections campaigns and are exposed to alternative political views. In this study, the 2016 U.S. presidential elections are positioned as a megaevent that can influence the American nation brand. Through a comparative content and network analyses of messages disseminated over social media in the United Kingdom, Turkey, Canada, and Venezuela, the nation branding–related impacts of election campaigns are investigated.
Mobile learning applications are widely used in various levels of education process. In developing and developed countries, educational institutions use tablets and personal computers for supporting learning processes. Mobile learning practices are generally used for overcoming timespace constraints in traditional learning process. This study covers both lecturer's and students' tablet usages and achievements of tablet usage on Introduction to New Media Course in Kadir Has University undergraduate New Media program, including a comparison with traditional and online-blended lectures in previous years Thanks to mobile course tablet application developed, students have been able to watch live broadcasts and video records of lectures, see lecture presentations and read e-materials submitted online, while they were able to submit their assignments, exams and response papers. Interaction between lecturer and students is improved by tablet application, lecture narrations were followed online and archived. Mobile application is integrated to Facebook for improving students' social interactions with the course materials and lecturer which paves the way for social learning concept. A course which has already been complemented by social networks and another online education software was chosen for the study. With almost same syllabus that was used for two years before, comparative data about student and lecturer performances have been obtained. It is found out that average class success increased by %8 compared to previous years, mobilization and online interaction level increased, average time spent for class increased and 3G was used more than Wifi technologies during the semester that enables the mobility and allows time-space independency for the students. 1 Mobile Learning in the Age of Time and Space Constraint Scholars, tried to run research and development processes together in order to create better learning and teaching practices in contemporary education spheres. Paul Virilio [1] defined time-space constraint as an essential facet of contemporary life stating that "Today we are entering a space which is speed-space ... This new other time is that of electronic transmission, of high-tech machines, and therefore, man is present in this sort of time, not via his physical presence, but via programming." Education
This chapter analyzes the politics of media in Turkey and the formation of Turkey’s so-called new media order characterized by polarization, corporatization, widespread censorship, and lack of journalistic independence. It argues that Turkey’s ongoing media crisis arose due to structural transformations starting from the early 1980s and becoming more accelerated and visible under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The chapter discusses Turkey’s media crisis in three steps. Firstly, it contextualizes Turkey’s traditional media system within globally recognized media systems and provides a historical understanding of the impact of political elites and the government on the media industry. Secondly, it discusses shifts in media consumption habits and media ownership structure under AKP rule and shows how these shifts served the party’s political agenda. Finally, it offers a critical overview of several existing prescriptive approaches to Turkey’s media crisis and argues that techno-determinist and overgeneralizing approaches are incompatible with Turkey’s social reality.
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