Disclosure rates of child sexual abuse (CSA) to both social supports and law enforcement are concerningly low, although more research is needed to understand factors that impact disclosure. Thus, the present study examined rates of informal (i.e., to a social support) and formal (i.e., to law enforcement) disclosure of CSA, as well as victims' selfreported experiences with telling others about their own abuse and their perceptions of the overall advantages and disadvantages of disclosure. In all, 76 undergraduate women (who collectively experienced 105 instances of abuse) participated in a semi-structured interview regarding their history of CSA. Results revealed that approximately 50% of cases involved the victim informally disclosing, and only 10% of cases being formally disclosed to authorities. The quantitative and qualitative data shed light on a number of factors that lead victims to not disclose, as well as the identification of factors that may promote a victim to share their abuse with others. The implications for improved prevention and responses to CSA disclosure are discussed.
Sex offender typologies have been developed in an effort to better understand the heterogeneity of sexual offending as well as offenders’ varied risk and therapeutic needs. Perhaps the most well-known and validated child molester typology is the Massachusetts Treatment Center: Child Molester Typology–Version 3 (MTC:CM3). However, this typology was developed and validated using primarily White sex offenders. The current study aimed to replicate this typology in an ethno-racially diverse sample of incarcerated White, Black, and Latino child molesters ( N = 499). Overall, we found that the MTC:CM3 was applicable to non-White child molesters but that there were differences in the proportion of offenders of different ethno-racial groups in Axis I type classifications. We found no differences in Axis II type classifications. Specifically, Black offenders were more often classified as socially incompetent and sexually attracted to adults compared with White and Latino offenders. Whereas White offenders were more often classified as socially incompetent and sexually fixated on children when compared with Black offenders, Latino offenders were more often classified as high in social competence and sexually attracted to adults than Black offenders. On Axis II, the majority of all three subsamples were classified as not having sexual contact with children beyond the offense, unlikely to inflict physical harm on victims, and as not having sadistic interests. Addressing these typological characteristics in the development and implementation of prevention and treatment efforts might increase the responsiveness of specific sex offender populations.
It is commonly assumed that victims of sexual abuse feel more negatively toward sex offenders and advocate for harsher punishments than individuals who have not been victimized. This belief was examined by comparing attitudes toward sex offenders and their treatment, support of registration, notification, and residence restriction policies, as well as general knowledge about sex offenders between a sample of 129 individuals who reported sexual victimization and a sample of 841 individuals who did not report sexual victimization. Overall, we found that victims of sexual abuse reported more positive attitudes toward sex offenders and were more supportive of mandated treatment compared with nonvictims. However, while victims showed decreased support for the community notification laws, there were no differences in support of residence restrictions laws compared with those who reported no victimization. Finally, knowledge about sex offenders predicted attitudes regardless of victim status. These findings are discussed as they pertain to sex offender treatment and legislation.
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