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In a world of greedy jobs, gender equity is expensive within families. This is the main takeaway of Claudia Goldin's book Career and Family. Goldin explains how workplace success often requires burning the midnight oil, investing in higher education, and devoting spare time to developing one's career. However, even when women are allowed to work in these 'greedy jobs', they are often incompatible with the care burdens they are expected to carry, which often leads to pay inequities. Goldin artfully describes how these tensions have evolved in the past century for one specific group: women with higher education in the United States.Goldin begins her book by introducing her definition of 'greedy work', that is, careers that require one be on call at home, produce constant cerebral output, and never tune out of work. Because of family obligation and childcare, couples are often faced with a choice between a marriage of equals or a marriage with more money, where one takes on greedy work and the other flexible work.Goldin then outlines the five cohorts of college-graduate women and discusses each of their experiences with work and family in the subsequent chapters, often using unique historical data. The first cohort (women who graduated college in 1890s-1910s) are those who Goldin describes as having to choose between family or career: very few were able to have both. The second group, women graduating in the next two decades, are marked as having a job and then a family. Women graduating college in the 1950s are a group which commonly had a family and then a job. In these chapters, Goldin indicates differences between job and career, noting that a career offers advancement and intellectual fulfillment while a job is simply a way to earn money. Goldin then turns to the fourth cohort: women graduating from college in the 1970s, which she classifies as having a career and then a family. It is not until the fifth group, women graduating in the 1980s and 1990s, that college-educated women are able to have a career and a family in Goldin's eyes.

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Barbara Bergmann was well known for many contributions to economics, but she was perhaps most famous for her 1971 occupational crowding hypothesis. The hypothesis was published during a surge of literature on the economics of discrimination, and it temporarily stood among the mainstream neoclassical theories before being relegated primarily to feminist and stratification economics. This article situates the crowding hypothesis among contemporary competing theories on the economics of discrimination and explains why it did not last in the mainstream camp. Despite Bergmann's neoclassical framing, the model's conclusions did not align with models of perfect competition and more closely aligned with heterodox perspectives on group power and conflict.

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Macrocultural dynamics of hegemonic masculinity complicate microeconomic negotiations. In this article, I examine hegemonic masculinity as an explanatory framework to understand how gendered work in households differs along income and race dimensions. I use Panel Study of Income Dynamics data to demonstrate how men of different race and income groups respond to their female partner out-earning them, an economic threat to masculinity. Results indicate that upper-income couples with White men have a strong aversion to the situation in which a woman out-earns her male partner. Middle-income White men follow suit, but lower-income White men, and Black men in most income groups, do not. I discuss how these findings relate directly to power, patriarchy, and the hegemonic nature of hegemonic masculinity. JEL Classification: B54, J15, J16