BackgroundWorkforce participation is a key feature of public mental health and social inclusion policies across the globe, and often a therapeutic goal in treatment settings. Understanding the reciprocal relationship between participation and mental health has been limited by inadequate research methods. This is the first study to simultaneously examine and contrast the relative effects of unemployment on mental health and mental health on employment status in a single general population sample.MethodData were from working-age respondents (20 to 55 years at baseline) who completed nine waves of the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey (N=7176). Cross-lagged path analyses were used to test the lagged and concurrent associations between unemployment and mental health over time, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics.ResultsMental health was shown to be both a consequence of and risk factor for unemployment. Thus, the poorer mental health observed amongst people who are not working is attributable to both the impact of unemployment and existing mental health problems. While the strength of these two effects was similar for women, the results for men suggested that the effect of unemployment on subsequent mental health was weaker than the effect of mental health on subsequent risk of unemployment.ConclusionDisentangling the reciprocal links between mental health and workforce participation is central to the development and success of clinical goals and health and social policies that aim to promote either aspect. This study demonstrates that both effects are important and supports concurrent responses to prevent a cycle of disadvantage and entrenched social exclusion.
The results are consistent with the argument that economic and social programmes that address and prevent hardship may promote community mental health.
BackgroundNational screening programs have reduced cervical cancer mortality; however participation in these programs varies according to women's personal and social characteristics. Research into these inequalities has been limited by reliance on self-reported service use data that is potentially biased, or administrative data that lacks personal detail. We address these limitations and extend existing research by examining rates and correlates of cervical screening in a large epidemiological survey with linked administrative data.MethodsThe cross-sectional sample included 1685 women aged 44-48 and 64-68 years from the Australian Capital Territory and Queanbeyan, Australia. Relative risk was assessed by logistic regression models and summary Population Attributable Risk (PAR) was used to quantify the effect of inequalities on rates of cervical cancer screening.ResultsOverall, 60.5% of women participated in screening over the two-year period recommended by Australian guidelines. Screening participation was associated with having children, moderate or high use of health services, employment, reported lifetime history of drug use, and better physical functioning. Conversely, rates of cervical screening were lower amongst women who were older, reliant on welfare, obese, current smokers, reported childhood sexual abuse, and those with anxiety symptoms. A summary PAR showed that effective targeting of women with readily observable risk-factors (no children, no partner, receiving income support payments, not working, obese, current smoker, anxiety, poor physical health, and low overall health service use) could potentially reduce overall non-participation in screening by 74%.ConclusionsThis study illustrates a valuable method for investigating the personal determinants of health service use by combining representative survey data with linked administrative records. Reliable knowledge about the characteristics that predict uptake of cervical cancer screening services will inform targeted health promotion efforts.
The results demonstrate the critical role of financial hardship in the association between socio-economic disadvantage and 12-month depressive episode, and suggest that social and economic policies that address inequalities in living standards may be an appropriate way to reduce the burden attributable to depression.
Objective:
This study examines measures of psychosocial job quality developed from the Household Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey, and reports on associations with physical and mental health.
Methods:
The study used seven waves of data from the HILDA Survey with 5,548 employed respondents. Longitudinal random‐intercept regression models assessed the association of time‐varying and between‐person measures of psychosocial job quality job adversity with physical and mental health.
Results:
Respondents’ specific experience of psychosocial job adversity, except marketability, was associated with increased risk of mental health problems, whereas the association between psychosocial job adversity and physical health was largely driven by differences between people.
Conclusions and Implications:
Moving into jobs with different psychosocial quality is associated with changes in mental health. In contrast, individuals with poor physical health show an increased propensity to work in poor‐quality jobs but it seems that changes in physical health are not as strongly tied to changes in job quality. Differences in the relationship between physical and mental health and psychosocial job quality have implications for the design of employment, health and social policy. The HILDA Survey is an important resource for policy development in Australia, and the availability of valid measures of psychosocial of job quality will enhance its use to better understand this important determinant and correlate of health.
Poor mental and physical health predict workforce departure in mid-to-late adulthood, particularly early retirement. Strategies to accommodate health conditions in the workplace may reduce rates of early retirement and encourage people to remain at work into later adulthood.
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