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Previous research has established a link between turnout and the extent to which voters are faced with a “meaningful” partisan choice in elections; this study extends the logic of this argument to perceptions of the “meaningfulness” of electoral conduct. It hypothesizes that perceptions of electoral integrity are positively related to turnout. The empirical analysis to test this hypothesis is based on aggregate-level data from 31 countries, combined with survey results from Module 1 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems survey project, which includes new and established democracies. Multilevel modeling is employed to control for a variety of individual- and election-level variables that have been found in previous research to influence turnout. The results of the analysis show that perceptions of electoral integrity are indeed positively associated with propensity to vote.

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This article is a cross-national study of the impact of electoral system design on electoral misconduct. It argues that elections held in single-member districts (SMD) under plurality and majority rule are more likely to be the object of malpractice than those run under proportional representation (PR). Two reasons are advanced in support of this argument: Candidates in SMD systems have more to gain from individual efforts to manipulate elections than is the case for candidates in PR contests; and malfeasance is more efficient under SMD rules, in that the number of votes that must be altered to change the outcome is typically smaller than it is under PR. This hypothesis is tested and confirmed on a new data set of electoral manipulation in 24 postcommunist countries between 1995 and 2004. The proportion of seats elected in SMDs is found to be positively associated with levels of electoral misconduct, controlling for a variety of contextual factors.

Thymoma is an uncommon and slow-growing neoplasm. It is derived from thymic epithelial cells and comprises about 20% to 30% of mediastinal masses in adults, but only about 1% in pediatric patients. Patients usually present with mass-associated respiratory symptoms, superior vena cava syndrome, or paraneoplastic syndrome including myasthenia gravis, pure red cell aplasia, or acquired hypogammaglobulinemia, and connective tissue disorders. Due to the limited number of cases, knowledge, and experience with thymoma in pediatric patients, the diagnosis and treatment are very challenging for this age group. In this article, we report 2 cases of thymoma in childhood and provide a comprehensive review and analysis of the reported pediatric cases in the past 30 years (total of 32 cases). We found that patients younger than age 10 years were predominantly male (M:F = 6:1) and had advanced tumor stage more frequent than patients older than age 10 (P = .03). There were also significant associations of male sex with more advanced tumor stage and less favorable outcome (P = .03). These findings suggest that age and sex may be additional potential prognostic contributors in pediatric patients with thymoma. The clinicopathologic features, differential diagnosis, and current therapeutic recommendations of this uncommon tumor in pediatric patients are also addressed.

Abstract. Electoral integrity is increasingly being recognised as an important component of democracy, yet scholars still have limited understanding of the circumstances under which elections are most likely to be free, fair and genuine. This article posits that effective oversight institutions play a key role in scrutinising the electoral process and holding those with an interest in the electoral outcome to account. The main insight is that deficiencies in formal electoral management can be effectively compensated for via one or more other institutional checks: an active and independent judiciary; an active and independent media; and/or an active and independent civil society. Flawed elections are most likely to take place when all four checks on electoral conduct fail in key ways. These hypotheses are tested and supported on a cross-national time-series dataset of 1,047 national-level elections held in 156 electoral regimes between 1990 and 2012.

Electoral violence is increasingly affecting elections around the world, yet researchers have been limited by a paucity of granular data on this phenomenon. This paper introduces and describes a new dataset of electoral violence-the Dataset of Countries at Risk of Electoral Violence (CREV)-that provides measures of 10 different types of electoral violence across 642 elections held around the globe between 1995 and 2013. The paper provides a detailed account of how and why the dataset was constructed, together with a replication of previous research on electoral violence. We introduce this dataset by demonstrating that the CREV, while measuring the same underlying phenomena as other datasets on electoral violence, provides researchers with the ability to draw more nuanced conclusions about the causes and consequences of violence that occurs in connection with the electoral process. We also present and analyze descriptive data from the CREV dataset.