Dwelling on potential threat cues may reflect current PTSD symptoms, or it could reflect a cognitive vulnerability factor for PTSD.

Previous theory and research suggest that childhood experiences are more likely to generate depressive self-schemas when they focus attention on negative information about oneself, generate strong negative affect, and are repetitive or chronic. Persistent peer victimization meets these criteria. In the current study, 214 youths (112 females) with empirically-validated histories of high or low peer victimization completed self-report measures of negative and positive self-cognitions as well as incidental recall and recognition tests following a self-referent encoding task. Results supported the hypothesis that depressive self-schemas are associated with peer victimization. Specifically, peer victimization was associated with stronger negative self-cognitions, weaker positive self-cognitions, and an elimination of the normative memorial bias for recall of positive self-referential words. Effects were stronger for relational and verbal victimization compared to physical victimization. Support accrues to a model about the social-developmental origins of cognitive diatheses for depression.

Cohen and Wills (Cohen, S., & Wills, T. A., 1985, Stress, social support, and the buffering hypothesis. Psychological Bulletin, 98, 310–357) described two broad models whereby social support could mitigate the deleterious effects of stress on health: a main effect model and stress-buffering model. A specific application of these models was tested in a three-wave, multimethod study of 1888 children to assess ways parental support (social support) mitigates the effects of peer victimization (stress) on children’s depressive symptoms and depression-related cognitions (health-related outcomes). Results revealed that (a) both supportive parenting and peer victimization had main effects on depressive symptoms and cognitions; (b) supportive parenting and peer victimization did not interact in the prediction of depressive thoughts and symptoms; (c) these results generalized across age and gender; and (d) increases in depressive symptoms were related to later reduction of supportive parenting and later increase in peer victimization. Although supportive parenting did not moderate the adverse outcomes associated with peer victimization, results show that its main effect can counterbalance or offset these effects to some degree. Implications for practice and future research are discussed.

Prior research has shown cognitive reactivity to be a diathesis for depression. Seeking evidence for the developmental origins of such diatheses, the current study examined peer victimization and harsh parenting as developmental correlates of cognitive reactivity in 571 children and adolescents (ages 8-13 years). Four major findings emerged. First, a new method for assessing cognitive reactivity in children and adolescents showed significant reliability and demonstrated construct validity vis-à-vis its relation to depression. Second, history of more severe peer victimization was significantly related to cognitive reactivity, with verbal victimization being more strongly tied to cognitive reactivity than other subtypes of peer victimization. Third, harsh parenting was also significantly related to cognitive reactivity. Fourth, both peer victimization and harsh parenting made unique statistical contributions to cognitive reactivity, after controlling for the effects of the other. Taken together, these findings provide preliminary support for a developmental model pertaining to origins of cognitive reactivity in children and adolescents.

Although current cognitive-behavioral models have highlighted a central role of dysfunctional ''obsessive beliefs'' about threat, responsibility, uncertainty, perfectionism, importance and control of thoughts in the development of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), empirical evidence in support of this notion has been inconsistent. The present investigation further examines the association between obsessive beliefs and OCD symptoms among nonclinical (Study 1) and clinical samples (Study 2). Findings from Study 1 (n = 368) demonstrated that OCD symptom dimensions are associated with some form of obsessive belief (generality). Although findings from Study 1 revealed that different obsessive beliefs related to different OCD symptom dimensions in a meaningful way (congruence), findings from Study 2 failed to support the hypothesis that OCD patients (n = 30) would endorse obsessive beliefs more strongly than patients (n = 30) with generalized anxiety disorder (specificity). However, both patient groups endorsed obsessive beliefs more strongly than non-clinical controls (n = 30). Implications of these findings for conceptualizing the relationship between obsessive beliefs and specific dimensions of OCD are discussed.