A család- és foglalkoztatáspolitika kapcsolata alapvetően meghatározza a nők munkaerő-piaci helyzetét. 2010 óta számos intézkedés született a gyermekvállalás ösztönzésének érdekében és a kisgyermekes nők foglalkoztatásának elősegítésére. Kutatásunkban azt vizsgáltuk, hogy az egyes szakpolitikai intézkedések és az ezek végrehajtására életbe léptetett jogszabályok miként hatnak a nők foglalkoztatottságára, ehhez jogtudományi és szociológiai módszereket egyaránt használtunk. Álláspontunk szerint a két szakpolitika célkitűzése nem áll egymással összhangban, amelynek eredményeképpen a nők munkaerő-piaci helyzete a férfiakéhoz képest lényegesen sérülékenyebb. Az ellentét feloldása alapvető munkajogi reformokkal valósítható meg, elsősorban a munkaidő beosztására, a részmunkaidőre és a felmondási védelemre vonatkozó szabályok újragondolása szükséges, nemcsak az anyák, hanem a kisgyermekes apák védelmének szem előtt tartásával.
This article examines the unemployment policy of Central-East-European countries applying mixed methods. First, fuzzy set analysis is used to determine the efficiency of unemployment measures for reducing the poverty gap. Three causal conditions are measured: the net replacement rate of unemployment benefits, labour law regulations related to job security, and public spending on labour-market programs. This analysis reveals two possible pathways: governments may either provide a high level of job security, or spend on active and passive labour-market measures. Second, the fuzzy set analysis was completed with a comparative legal analysis covering the Visegrad countries that examined the policy choices the Visegrad countries made after the economic crisis. The paper argues that due to the different approaches to the welfare state, any potential EU initiatives for regulating unemployment benefits under the European Pillar of Social Rights might put divergent adaptation pressure on the V4 states. The differences are significant, as they would not only challenge effective social integration but also hamper the envisioned political cooperation of the V4 countries in this policy area. Building on previous literature, this paper is written to contribute to research on the European Social Model and social integration within the European Union.
A new vision of "illiberal democracy" was introduced by the Orbán-led Fidesz government in the 2010s, which marked the end of the welfare state, and the central element of the political discourse once again became the creation of a labour-based society. The new workfarist trend in employment indicated a new direction in active labour market policy, favouring public work schemes. However, public work regulations put a disproportionate burden on the Roma unemployed, while disregarding the contributing factors leading to their material deprivation. This paper examines the new direction in employment and unemployment policy measures, a policy terrain where the workfare regime can be best detected. We placed special emphasis on the Roma minority and how their employment situation is effected by the anti-welfare turn.
The characteristics of Hungarian populism and its effects on labor and social policy are rather different compared to those of western Member States of the EU. These differences are due to the different experiences related to inter- and intra-EU migration and to the difference in how the EU’s austerity measures were imposed during the economic crisis. The two distinctive elements are the workfare regime which replaces the welfare state, and anti-pluralism. In the workfare model, ‘hard-working people’ are pictured as an idealized mass of employees who are disciplined and striving for betterment every day; and whose jobs and wellbeing are jeopardized by illegal migrants and the idle poor. However, labor law does not strengthen the rights of ‘hard-working people’ or support them in asserting their rights against their employers. While the Roma have been described as the undeserving poor and mainstreamed in everyday politics and practice, guarantees and protective measures have been severely curtailed in social policy, amplifying the insecurity and material deprivation of those who lose their jobs. Regarding collective labor law, the lack of an autonomous social dialogue supports anti-pluralist trends, a characteristic of populist governance. The fundamental elements of democratic control, such as participation or trade union rights have been largely eliminated to cement the executive power of the coalition.
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