Left behind places' has become the leitmotif of geographical inequalities since the 2008 crisis. Yet, the term's origins, definition and implications are poorly specified and risk obscuring the differentiated problems and pathways of different kinds of areas. This paper explicates the geographical etymology and spatial imaginary of 'left behind places'. It argues that the appellation and its spatial expression have modified how geographical inequalities are understood and addressed by recovering a more relational understanding of multiple 'left behind' conditions, widening the analytical frame beyond only economic concerns, and opening up interpretations of the 'development' of 'left behind places' and their predicaments and prospects. While renewing interest in fundamental urban and regional concerns, what needs to endure from the ascendance of the 'left behind places' label is the terminology and spatial imaginary of reducing geographical inequalities and enhancing social and spatial justice. KEYWORDS left behind places; geographical etymology; spatial imaginary; geographical inequalities; urban and regional studies; spatial justice JEL R11, R58 HISTORY

Disability theorists have long highlighted the role of institutional, social, and environmental barriers in constructing disability, emphasizing its parallels with other socially constructed axes of stratification. However, despite theoretical developments toward sociological understandings of disability, social stratification and life-course research have largely neglected childhood disability as a social division. As a result, we still know little surrounding the socio-economic attainment of disabled children and young people. Drawing on Next Steps data, this research note highlights stark overlooked inequalities between disabled and non-disabled young people's activity status and social mobility in early adulthood. We specifically focus on the importance of social class for disabled young people's outcomes, emphasizing the need for intersectional analyses of disability inequalities. We also outline longitudinal survey data enhancements necessary for life-course research on childhood disability and its intersections.

Over the past ten years or so, concern has mounted about places in the Global North that have been ‘left behind’ by the growth and prosperity experienced in superstar cities and other wealthy regions. This briefing paper summarises the findings from the first stage of the ‘Beyond Left Behind Places’ project, which involved quantitative analysis of changes experienced by regions across the EU15 over the past four decades and draws out key policy implications.

Cities are characterised as places of increased human capital accumulation, dynamic labour markets and faster wage growth: in short, places where workers can get ahead. Studies suggest that urban workers can benefit from faster learning and from better job matching. This article assesses the extent to which cities act as escalators for workers in low-wage jobs using panel data from Great Britain covering the period 2009–2014. When defining low pay using a standard national wage threshold, workers in London, the largest city, are significantly more likely to make a transition from low- to higher-paid employment than workers in non-urban areas. However, the use of a national wage threshold to measure progression from low pay is sensitive to geographic variations in wage levels. When using an alternative, occupation-based definition of low pay there is little to no evidence of faster wage growth in London or other large British cities, suggesting that low-paid workers do not benefit significantly from faster learning or more efficient job matching in cities. The findings, once adjusted for differences in the wage distribution, fail to identify an urban escalator effect for those in low-paid employment, suggesting that there is a fairly consistent set of underlying factors shaping progression from low pay across geographies.

This paper presents a cluster analysis of structural economic change within NUTS3 regions in the EU15. Based on regional changes in the employment shares of broad sectors since 1980, as well as the degree of initial and current specialisation in each sector, regions are allocated to one of eight clusters via a k-means clustering approach. These clusters are then interpreted in light of current debates about ‘left behind places’. We find that there are several clusters of regions that have experienced less favourable structural change over the past four decades, each with their own set of characteristics.