Is it easier to detect angry or happy facial expressions in crowds of faces? The present studies used several variations of the visual search task to assess whether people selectively attend to expressive faces. Contrary to widely cited studies (e.g., Öhman, Lundqvist, & Esteves, 2001) that suggest angry faces "pop out" of crowds, our review of the literature found inconsistent evidence for the effect and suggested that low-level visual confounds could not be ruled out as the driving force behind the anger superiority effect. We then conducted 7 experiments, carefully designed to eliminate many of the confounding variables present in past demonstrations. These experiments showed no evidence that angry faces popped out of crowds or even that they were efficiently detected. These experiments instead revealed a search asymmetry favoring happy faces. Moreover, in contrast to most previous studies, the happiness superiority effect was shown to be robust even when obvious perceptual confounds--like the contrast of white exposed teeth that are typically displayed in smiling faces--were eliminated in the happy targets. Rather than attribute this effect to the existence of innate happiness detectors, we speculate that the human expression of happiness has evolved to be more visually discriminable because its communicative intent is less ambiguous than other facial expressions.

Much research has found that positive affect facilitates increased reliance on heuristics in cognition. However, theories proposing distinct evolutionary fitness-enhancing functions for specific positive emotions also predict important differences among the consequences of different positive emotion states. Two experiments investigated how six positive emotions influenced the processing of persuasive messages. Using different methods to induce emotions and assess processing, we showed that the positive emotions of anticipatory enthusiasm, amusement, and attachment love tended to facilitate greater acceptance of weak persuasive messages (consistent with previous research), whereas the positive emotions of awe and nurturant love reduced persuasion by weak messages. In addition, a series of mediation analyses suggested that the effects distinguishing different positive emotions from a neutral control condition were best accounted for by different mediators rather than by one common mediator. These findings build upon approaches that link affective valence to certain types of processing, documenting emotion-specific effects on cognition that are consistent with functional evolutionary accounts of discrete positive emotions.Keywords: emotion, positive affect, evolutionary approaches, cognitive processing, persuasionImagine that you are watching a pleasant TV program. The program may be a travel show featuring awe-inspiring natural wonders or an animal program about a litter of puppies; it may be a sitcom that makes you laugh or an exciting sporting event. At some point during the program, you are likely to encounter a commercial message intended to persuade you. Given that any of these programs will elicit positive feelings, are you likely to process the persuasive message more carefully or more carelessly than if you felt no emotion at all?The answer to this question might initially appear simple: Much research already finds that positive affect leads people to process messages in a more heuristic or careless manner (e.g., Mackie & Worth, 1989;Schwarz & Bless, 1991; see Schwarz & Clore, 2007). In the present research, we demonstrate the complexity layered upon this general effect and address some of the mechanisms behind this complexity. Whereas traditional approaches have examined the influence of affective valence on cognition, our approach emphasizes differences among the likely evolutionary, fitness-enhancing functions of discrete emotions of the same valence and suggests that emotions of the same valence can have different consequences (Keltner, Ellsworth, & Edwards, 1994;Lerner & Keltner, 2000). Indeed, recent research has demonstrated that distinct negative emotions have emotion-specific influences on cognition (e.g., DeSteno, Petty, Rucker, Wegener, & Braverman, 2004;Lerner & Keltner, 2001;Mackie, Devos, & Smith, 2000). However, the question of how specific positive emotions might influence cognition has received far less attention (for notable exceptions, see Bartlett &DeSteno, 2006, andTiedens &Linton, 20...

Although dozens of studies have examined the autonomic nervous system (ANS) aspects of negative emotions, less is known about ANS responding in positive emotion. An evolutionary framework was used to define five positive emotions in terms of fitness-enhancing function, and to guide hypotheses regarding autonomic responding. In a repeated measures design, participants viewed sets of visual images eliciting these positive emotions (anticipatory enthusiasm, attachment love, nurturant love, amusement, and awe) plus an emotionally neutral state. Peripheral measures of sympathetic and vagal parasympathetic activation were assessed. Results indicated that the emotion conditions were characterized by qualitatively distinct profiles of autonomic activation, suggesting the existence of multiple, physiologically distinct positive emotions.

While positive emotion can be conceptualized broadly as a response to the potential for reward, the environment offers different kinds of rewards, and these are best approached in somewhat different ways. A functional approach to positive emotion differentiation distinguishes among several different types of rewards with strong implications for adaptive fitness and posits the existence of "discrete" positive emotions that promote an adaptive response to each reward. A taxonomy of eight positive emotions, dubbed the "PANACEAS" taxonomy based on an acronym of the first letter of each of the eight constructs, is presented as an example of this approach. Positive emotion constructs defined through functional analyses are useful for guiding empirical research, especially for identifying prototypical eliciting stimuli, and generating hypotheses about the implications of different positive emotions for a variety of outcomes. Research findings are reviewed that support the importance of positive emotion differentiation in understanding the effects of positive emotions on cognition, physiology, and behavior. Advantages of the functional approach are discussed, as well as implications of the approach for evaluating major theories of the structure of emotion. Positive Emotion Differentiation: A Functional ApproachImagine that you are in each the following situations: waiting eagerly for a cool drink you just ordered on a hot afternoon; stretching out on your couch after a long day and a satisfying dinner; holding your new baby niece or nephew in your arms; making eye contact with a sexy person you just met at a party; having a loved one care for and comfort you when you're sick; laughing at a joke told by a colleague; and gazing at the view from a high ridge on a mountain. Each of these situations is pleasant. Each offers potential for reward. Yet the nature of the reward varies considerably from situation to situation, and you take advantage of that reward by somewhat different means. While there is undoubtedly overlap in the emotions felt in each of these situations, there are important differences as well.For the most part, theories of positive emotion have not emphasized the possibility that different positive emotions might have qualitatively distinct implications for cognition, physiological responding, motivation, and behavior, or offered a strong basis for hypotheses about differential effects. A functional approach to positive emotion differentiation helps to address this gap. Analyses of the adaptive functions of "discrete" negative emotion states have long been used to guide research on emotional responding (e.g., Lazarus, 1991), producing a rich body of empirical work. In this paper, we discuss the advantages of using functional analysis to define discrete positive emotion constructs as well; present a taxonomy of eight positive emotions, labeled with the acronym "PANACEAS", that serves as an example of the functional approach; and offer several examples of research guided by the PANACEAS model and simi...

How do targets of stigma manage social interactions? We built from a threat-specific model of prejudice to predict that targets select impression-management strategies that address the particular threats other people see them to pose. We recruited participants from two groups perceived to pose different threats: overweight people, who are heuristically associated with disease and targeted with disgust, and Black men, who are perceived to be dangerous and targeted with fear. When stereotypes and prejudices toward their groups were made salient, overweight people (Studies 1 and 2) and Black men (Study 2) selectively prioritized self-presentation strategies to minimize apparent disease threat (wearing clean clothes) or physical-violence threat (smiling), respectively. The specific threat a group is seen to pose plays an important but underexamined role in the psychology of being a target of prejudice.