This study sought to identify the effects of culture and sex on mate preferences using samples drawn world-wide. Thirty-seven samples were obtained from 33 countries located on six continents and five islands (N = 9,474). Hierarchical multiple regressions revealed strong effects of both culture and sex, moderated by specific mate characteristics. Chastity proved to be the mate characteristic on which cultures varied the most. The preference ordering of each sample was contrasted with an international complement. Each culture displayed a unique preference ordering, but there were some similarities among all cultures as reflected in a positive manifold of the cross-country correlation matrix. Multidimensional scaling of the cultures yielded a five dimensional solution, the first two of which were interpreted. The first dimension was interpreted as Traditional versus Modern, with China, India, Iran, and Nigeria anchoring one end and the Netherlands, Great Britain, Finland, and Sweden anchoring the other. The second dimension involved valuation of education, intelligence, and refinement. Consistent sex differences in value attached to eaming potential and physical attractiveness supported evolution-based hypotheses about the importance of resources and reproductive value in mates. Discussion emphasizes the importance of psychological mate preferences for scientific disciplines ranging from evolutionary biology to sociology.

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Previous research has shown that harmony-enhancing procedures for conflict resolution are endorsed more in collectivist than in individualist societies, whereas the reverse is true for confrontational procedures. However, this result is derived from comparing Western with Eastern societies, leaving the possibility that it may be caused by a variety of East-West differences other than collectivism and individualism. To resolve this ambiguity and to extend the generality of this finding, two collectivist societies, one from Europe (Spain) and the other one from Asia (Japan), were contrasted in the present study. Consistent with the individualismcollectivism framework, results indicated that the procedural preferences of these two cultural groups were quite similar. Results also indicated that expectancies based on process control and animosity reduction were culture-general predictors of procedural preference, and that valences based on these variables yielded little additional variance over and above the expectancy variables. Expectancies based on fairness and favourableness were found to be culture-specific, as were their relationships with procedural preference. Results also implied that cultural femininity was not related to procedural preference. Finally, implications of these results for developing a universal theory of procedural preference are discussed.Les recherches anttrieures ont dtmontrt que les proddures d'augmentation de l'harmonie dans la resolution de conflit reGoivent davantage l'appui de socittts collectivistes qu'individualistes, alors que I'inverse est vrai pour les proctdures de confrontation. Toutefois, ce resultat dkcoule d'une comparaison entre des socittts occidentales et orientales, laissant ouverte la possibilitt qu'il aurait pii Stre caust par une varittt de difftrences Est-Ouest, autres que le collectivisme et l'individualisme. Pour rtsoudre cette ambiguitt et pour augmenter la gtntralisabilitt de ce resultat, deux socittts collectivistes, l'une Requests for reprints and correspondence should be sent to Kwok Leung.

Leung and Bond (1984, Study 2) found that Chinese subjects tended to sacrifice their self-gain to benefit in-group members in allocating a group reward, whereas American subjects did not show this tendency. This cultural difference was interpreted as consistent with a framework of cultural collectivism. The present study provides a stricter test of their framework by comparing two different oriental groups with American subjects, and by measuring subjects' levels of collectivism directly. Japanese, Korean, and American subjects read a scenario in which an allocator worked with either an in-group or an out-group member. The allocator had either a low or a high input and used either the equity or equality norm to divide a group reward. Japanese and American subjects also responded to a collectivism scale. Results indicated that although the effects involving culture were not significant, and thus did not replicate the findings reported by Leung and Bond, the overall results were still consistent with their framework. Other effects replicated earlier findings, and collectivism was correlated with the tendency to use the equality norm. Possible explanations for results were discussed.

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