Online hate is a topic that has received considerable interest lately, as online hate represents a risk to self-determination and peaceful coexistence in societies around the globe. However, not much is known about the explanations for adolescents posting or forwarding hateful online material or how adolescents cope with this newly emerging online risk. Thus, we sought to better understand the relationship between a bystander to and perpetrator of online hate, and the moderating effects of problem-focused coping strategies (e.g., assertive, technical coping) within this relationship. Self-report questionnaires on witnessing and committing online hate and assertive and technical coping were completed by 6829 adolescents between 12 and 18 years of age from eight countries. The results showed that increases in witnessing online hate were positively related to being a perpetrator of online hate. Assertive and technical coping strategies were negatively related with perpetrating online hate. Bystanders of online hate reported fewer instances of perpetrating online hate when they reported higher levels of assertive and technical coping strategies, and more frequent instances of perpetrating online hate when they reported lower levels of assertive and technical coping strategies. In conclusion, our findings suggest that, if effective, prevention and intervention programs that target online hate should consider educating young people about problem-focused coping strategies, self-assertiveness, and media skills. Implications for future research are discussed.
Both traditional (offline) and cyber (online) bullying amongst children and young people are serious problems internationally, including in Thailand. Most studies of these were conducted in western countries, with research in Asian countries much less common. We report on a survey of 1,049 students (42% boys, 58% girls) aged 12 to 18 years, in 12 schools from 3 provinces in southern Thailand, of experiences of being a victim of traditional and cyberbullying over the past couple of months, and recommended coping strategies. Telling a teacher or parent was the most recommended strategy for traditional victimization; this was less so for cyber victimization, where blocking messages/identities or changing email address or phone number were most recommended. Older pupils were more likely to recommend reporting to the police, and keeping a record of bullying incidents. There were many gender differences, with girls recommending telling and reporting more, for both traditional and cyber victimization. Girls also recommended ignoring it more, or blocking messages; while boys recommended fighting back, but also making new friends. There were few differences by religion. Victims were more likely to recommend passive strategies such as avoiding the victims, or risky ones such as fighting back. Findings are discussed in relation to previous research, and implications for anti-bullying work in schools.
Bullying is a severe problem, especially in schools, including the relatively new phenomenon of cyberbullying (via mobile phones and the internet). Research in Western countries suggests that over the last decade, cyberbullying accounts for about one-quarter to one-third of all bullying. Here we review research on cyberbullying, and bullying in general, in an eastern culture, Thailand. Eight relevant reports were found; however only three explicitly discussed cyberbullying. Reports were mainly quantitative, and did not consistently distinguish (cyber) bullying from general aggression. Suggestions are made for future research in this area, in Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries.
Cyberbullying is becoming an important issue internationally, including in Thailand. I report findings from a questionnaire survey of 1,183 students drawn from 12 schools in southern Thailand, aged 14 to 17 years. The questions asked included demographic information, use of ICT, as well as experiences of being a victim or perpetrator of traditional bullying (not cyber) and cyberbullying. Students were asked if they had been bullied (not cyber), or cyberbullied at school in the past couple of months. We used two criteria of involvement: lenient (it happened at least once or twice), and strict (it happened 2 or 3 times a month or more). With the lenient criterion, 16.0% were traditional victims and 14.9% cybervictims. With the strict criterion, 6.0% were traditional victims and 3.7% cybervictims. We carried out logistic regression analyses in order to see how victim status was predicted, on the basis of 5 variables: gender, grade, religion, province, and parent education. Separate analyses were carried out, for lenient and severe criteria, and for traditional and cyber victim. Three criteria were non-significant for all four of these analyses: grade, province, and religion. Gender was significant in all analyses: male students were more likely to be victims, especially cyber victims. Parent education was significant, but only for lenient cybervictims: here, higher parental education was associated with greater risk of being a victim. The findings are discussed in relation to research in other eastern and western cultures; and to the needs for further research and intervention in schools in Thailand.
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