Originality is a necessary part of creativity, but creative things are more than just original. They also solve a problem, or more generally are somehow fitting or appropriate. Yet previous research found an inverse relationship between ratings of originality and ratings of appropriateness. The present investigation employed a different methodology — it focused on the generation of ideas instead of judgments about them — to reexamine the relationships between originality, appropriateness, and creativity. Undergraduate students (N = 170) from two large universities received either realistic or unrealistic divergent thinking tasks. These were given with one of four types of instructions. These asked them to give (a) as many ideas as possible (which is the standard type of instruction for these kinds of tests), (b) only original ideas, (c) only appropriate ideas, or (d) only creative ideas. Brief definitions of originality, appropriateness, or creativity were also provided. Comparisons of the four groups indicated that there were significant differences between the different kinds of tasks, with the realistic set eliciting more appropriate ideas than the unrealistic, but the unrealistic tasks eliciting more original and varied (flexible) ideas. There was an interaction indicating that the magnitude of the impact of the instructions varied across tasks. Correlational analyses indicated that the correlation between the originality and appropriateness scores was the lowest among all possible inter‐index relationships (only 7% shared variance). Future research and practical implications are explored.
African American (n = 70) university students were compared with White students (n = 140) on their affective (homophobia) and attitudinal (homonegativity) reactions to lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. The results initially suggested that African Americans had modestly higher homophobia and homonegativity scores than Whites. However, those ethnic differences vanished after controlling for frequency of church attendance, religious commitment, and socioeconomic status. For both ethnic groups, gender and religiosity variables significantly predicted homophobia and homonegativity. Men in both ethnic groups had significantly higher homophobia and homonegativity scores than their female counterparts. Lastly, additional regression analyses revealed that one aspect of African American culture--family practices--significantly predicted homophobia, but not homonegativity, above the predictive ability of religiosity. Implications of the results are discussed.
Previous research had suggested that Ss respond favorably to symmetrical shapes, and are unHkely to choose complexity. Two studies were carried out in order to extend these findings. In Study I it was found that Ss preferred symmetrical shapes, Ss rejected complexity to a highly significant extent, although they did not necessarily prefer the simplest shapes.
Sexual harassment proclivities in both men and women were studied in 222 college students. They were administered the newly developed Sexual Harassment Proclivities Scale and their scores were compared with a large number of measures, including sex-role stereotyping, adversarial sexual beliefs, sexual conservatism, acceptance of interpersonal violence, rape myth acceptance, likelihood of rape, acceptance of feminism, empathetic concern, sexual activity, and sexual exploitation. Most of the results were statistically significant for both males and females, although correlations tended to be higher for males. A factor analysis of the Sexual Harassment Proclivities Scale yielded a one-factor solution for both men and women, supporting the view that the scale measures likelihood of sexual harassment.
Several hypotheses were formed and supported regarding the greater creativity and risk taking of fIrstborn males. It was also found, in this sample of 200 white middle-class adult males, that risk taking and creativity were related. The creativity measures included Eisenman's (1969) Personal Opinion Survey measure of creative attitudes, an unusual-uses test yielding scores for fluency and originality, and preference for complexity. All the predictions were signifIcant beyond the .011evel. The greater risk taking offrrstborn males found in the present study is somewhat incompatible with the results of previous birth-order/risk-taking research, and this discrepancy is discussed.Several studies have shown a link between creativity and risk taking, with highly creative persons more willing to take risks than less creative subjects. MerrifIeld, Guilford, Christensen, and Frick (1961) found a significant relationship between associational fluency and a personality inventory measure of risk taking. Other investigators have been concerned with showing a relationship between risk taking and creativity in performance measures of risk taking. Pankove and Kogan (1968) utilized alternate uses and pattern meanings as creativity measures and compared performance on these tests to risk taking on a shuttleboard task; they found small but positive relationships. Eisenman (1969) measured creativity by scores on his Personal Opinion Survey, a 30-item, true-false, paper-and-pencil measure of creative attitudes; he found that creative college students so identified were more willing to risk their semester's grade on one test than were less creative students. Thus, all three investigations linked creativity and risk taking, with the subjects having been children or adults, and the tasks differing from study to study with regard to both creativity and risk taking. Also, these investigators controlled for intelligence or academic ability, so the results relate creativity to risk taking independent of the effects of intelligence. Creativity measures are usually considered to tap divergent thinking abilities, apart from the convergent thinking demanded by IQ and academic achievement tests.The aim of the present study was to determine whether firstborn males would be more creative and more willing to engage in risk taking than later-born males. Birth order has many empirical correlates, presumably due to differential treatment by parents based on the child's ordinal position. Genetic factors could also relate to birthorder fmdings. Kagan (1969) noted that every child and adult lives in a social structure and has some awareness of his/her position in that structure. A disproportionate number of firstborns are named as Rhodes scholars, are listed in Whos Who, and achieve distinction in science Schussel (1970) showed that firstborn males scored higher than later-born males on several creativity tests. The present study focused on males, because there seems to be a relationship between creativity and being a firstborn male. It was expected...
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