The settlement of Sahul, the lost continent of Oceania, remains one of the most ancient and debated human migrations. Modern New Guineans inherited a unique genetic diversity tracing back 50,000 years, and yet there is currently no model reconstructing their past population dynamics. We generated 58 new whole genome sequences from Papua New Guinea, filling geographical gaps in previous sampling, specifically to address alternative scenarios of the initial migration to Sahul and the settlement of New Guinea. Here, we present the first genomic models for the settlement of northeast Sahul considering one or two migrations from Wallacea. Both models fit our dataset, reinforcing the idea that ancestral groups to New Guinean and Indigenous Australians split early, potentially during their migration in Wallacea where the northern route could have been favored. The earliest period of human presence in Sahul was an era of interactions and gene flow between related but already differentiated groups, from whom all modern New Guineans, Bismarck islanders and Indigenous Australians descend. The settlement of New Guinea was probably initiated from its southeast region, where the oldest archaeological sites have been found. This was followed by two migrations into the south and north lowlands that ultimately reached the west and east highlands. We also identify ancient gene flows between populations in New Guinea, Australia, East Indonesia and the Bismarck Archipelago, emphasizing the fact that the anthropological landscape during the early period of Sahul settlement was highly dynamic rather than the traditional view of extensive isolation.

Cassowaries (Casuarius) are one of the largest indigenous animal species of New Guinea. Researchers have long been trying to understand their local socio-cultural significance. Here we present new results from interviews recorded in 2018 on ethnography associated with bone daggers, a material culture ornament and tool carved from the cassowary's tibiotarsus. We present a ‘storied notion’—a contemporary narrative from oral history of why cassowary is not simply a bird, and briefly describe cassowary bone ornamentation in Auwim, East Sepik Province of Papua New Guinea. By exploring the material history of Casuarius through a ‘storied notion’ approach, we reveal that cassowary bone daggers in rock art are narrative ideas of the species from its landscape to ornamentation and through to people's cosmological beliefs surrounding Casuarius. We argue that the cassowary bone dagger stencil can be seen as part of the life history of this animal.

Betel nut is the fruit of Areca palm, growing in Papua New Guinea. Mixed with limestone and stick mustard, arecoline and guvacoline, which are present in betel nut, are hydrolyzed into arecaidine and guvacine, respectively. As part of the study on dietary habits of Papuans residents, our laboratory was asked to analyze the four alkaloids in hair to document long-term exposure. Hair samples were collected from 19 adult subjects (males = 11; females = 8), by some of the authors, and were sent to the laboratory for analysis. The four alkaloids have very similar chemical structures. In order to accurately identify the drugs, two methods were developed. First, the compounds were identified using an ultra-high-performance liquid chromatography system coupled to time-of-flight mass spectrometry. Then, they were quantified by an ultra-high-performance liquid chromatography system coupled to tandem mass spectrometry. After decontamination with dichloromethane, hair samples were cut into very small segments and 20 mg were incubated in methanol for 2 h 30 min in an ultrasound bath. After cooling, the methanol was evaporated to dryness in presence of 20-μL octanol to prevent volatilization. Nicotine-d4 was used as an internal standard. Linearity was observed for concentrations ranging from the limit of quantification to 20 ng/mg for arecoline, arecaidine, guvacine and guvacoline. Measured concentrations were in the range 60 pg/mg to 18 ng/mg for arecoline (n = 19), 14 pg/mg to 2.5 ng/mg for guvacoline (n = 11), 63 pg/mg to 3.8 ng/mg for arecaidine (n = 11) and 100 pg/mg to 3.2 ng/mg for guvacine (n = 6). There was no correlation between concentrations of arecoline and arecaidine (ratio from 0.01 to 0.18) and guvacoline and guvacine (ratio from 0.06 to 3.50). However, the identification of these substances in hair is a good marker of consumption of betel nut and allows us to document a local practice that remains difficult to evaluate just by questioning.

Since 1909, patrol officers, anthropologists, archaeologists, and others have identified evidence of a pre-contact trading network linking New Guinea with the Torres Strait. Current research in the Lower Sepik River Basin reported various ethnographic descriptions relating to cultural material objects stenciled on various rock art sites in Auwim, Upper Karawari-Arafundi region, East Sepik, Papua New Guinea (PNG). In addition to the rock art, the broader area has one of the most environmentally intact freshwater basins with lowland rainforests in Melanesia, and is famous for its architectural carvings and spirit houses. This paper reports new research that articulates local ethnographic knowledge about rock art with the art-work itself. The rock art panels contain a wide range of stencils primarily consisting of hands but also, importantly, several objects, one of which is the kina, gold-lip pearl (Pinctada maxima) shell. The kina shell stencils are, among other things, indicative of the remarkable distance over which the shells were traded and traditionally used. The Auwim case study is important because it is one of the relatively few sites across PNG for which we still have ethnography of rock art and therefore provides us with important insight into the pastpresent rock art practices, and concurrently notions of cultural continuity.

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Hand stencils directly represent modern humans in landscape settings around the world. Yet their social and cultural contexts are often overlooked due to the lack of ethnography associated with the artwork. This paper explores the hand stencils from Kundumbue and Pundimbung rock art sites, situated in the traditional boundaries of the Auwim people in the East Sepik Province of Papua New Guinea. Combining archaeological rock art analysis with ethnographic knowledge, we demonstrate that the hand stencils are a priority in each clan's place-making practices, around which they construct the community's social narratives. Rock shelters and their rock art also show a form of communal history that is evoked through their production in contemporary settings, in addition to having been a form of esoteric magic in the past. We conclude that hand stencils can have multiple meanings over time and across space as a widespread cultural marker. However, aspects of the identities of individuals, groups and communities who created the now static hand imagery, remain in place.