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One of the important assumptions of compositional analysis is that the elemental composition of an artifct reJIects the source of the materials used to make it. Thus, pottery j o m a particular source will be chemically similar to the raw materials from that source. This '%ommonsense" assumption seem beyond dispute, but the fact that pottery is a mixture of clay, water, and often temper added by the potter, complicates the interpretation of compositional data j o m ceramics. This article examines the relationship between potters' behavior in obtaining and using raw materials, on the one hand, and the chemical composition of theirjnishedpottery, on the other, by comparing the elemental composition of ethnographic pottery and raw materials j o m contemporary pottery-making communities in the Valley of Guatemala. The results of this research show that the relationship between pottery and its constituent raw materials is not as obvious as was j r s t supposed. The article concludes with an alternative approach to compositional analysis that is more in line with the realities of real-world pottery production.EW ANALYTICAL APPROACHES HIGHLIGHT the problems of relating human behavior F to its material residues more than the compositional analysis of pottery. For archeologists, the problem of compositional analysis consists of relating the chemical composition of an artifact to the behavior of its producer. Unfortunately, the elemental composition of pottery (like that obtained from instrumental neutron activation analysis, inductively coupled plasma spectroscopy, or atomic absorption spectroscopy) is difficult to relate to potters' behavior because the relationship between the chemical elements in the pottery and the potters' behavior is not obvious.In order to relate the chemical elements in the pottery and potters' behavior, archeologists and "archeometrists" assume that the ceramic composition reflects the composition of the source raw materials (usually clay). This "commonsense" assumption works well with some natural materials unaltered by humans (e.g., obsidian), but the complex chemical and behavioral factors involved in pottery production can affect the simple relationship between the chemical elements in the pottery and the supposed source of its constituent raw materials. With ceramics, the concept of "source" is thus problematic because "source" can be thought of as a single mine, a single widespread clay stratum, all clays in a single drainage, a single community of potters, or perhaps even a group of such communities. One way to evaluate the assumption relating the elemental composition of pottery and behavior is to analyze materials from living communities of potters . mm L t Arnold, Neff, and Bishop] P O~E R Y "SOURCE" ANALYSIS 75 the region. As mentioned earlier, ceramic pastes will probably not match the composition Arnold, Neff, and Bishop] P O~E R Y "SOURCE" ANALYSIS 85

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The untimely death of Diana, Princess of Wales, on 31 August 1997 gave journalists from mainstream news organizations a prime opportunity to publicly distance themselves from the freelance photographers, or paparazzi, who allegedly chased Diana's car into a Paris tunnel. Journalists went to great lengths in their coverage of the accident to build boundaries between themselves and the paparazzi (and tabloid publications), boundaries damaged in recent years by the public's purportedly insatiable desire for celebrity news (now a staple of mainstream news) and the willingness of mainstream news organizations to satisfy that desire by borrowing and adapting elements of the tabloid style. This article is a textual analysis of how mainstream journalists built and defended professional boundaries in the week following Diana's death. This research explores the tone of coverage and the theme that emerged as journalists from major daily newspapers, news magazines, commercial television networks, and cable news services struggled to keep their readers and viewers aware that the paparazzi, and British and American tabloids, did not practice journalism with the same level of professionalism. The coverage of Diana's death suggests a change in how journalists show their dedication to ideals like objectivity and balanced reporting. What is revealed is a new, somewhat disingenuous public discourse about the practice of journalism achieved through a boundary maintenance exercise.

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The typological, modal, and chemical analyses of the pottery from the Petexbatun region of southwestern Peten, Guatemala, are used to establish a regional ceramic chronology and to assess three theories used to explain the Classic Maya collapse of the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. The three explanations are based on: (1) foreign invasion; (2) commercialization; and (3) internal warfare. Each of these theories suggests different changes in the regional ceramic-production and -exchange systems of the Petexbatun. Shifts in the ceramic production system are monitored using a standardization study, while instrumental neutron-activation analysis (INAA) is used to model changes in interregional exchange. The results of these analyses indicate that there was a continuity in the ceramic assemblage from the Late Classic Nacimiento phase (A.D. 600-830) to the Terminal Classic Sepens phase (A.D. 830-950). Together with little change in architectural, mortuary, and other artifactual styles, this finding suggests that no foreign groups invaded the Petexbatun region, and therefore did not lead to the collapse in the Pasion region. The small decreases in pottery standardization and the minor shifts in interregional exchange do not support the second theory that a major reorganization of Maya economy undercut the power base of the Maya elite class. On the other hand, these small decreases in standardization and in the scale of exchange do support the third theory, which suggests that internal warfare between the regional polities disrupted exchange, leading to more localized production. The stability of the ceramic production and exchange systems in the Petexbatun region throughout the collapse also suggests that the political and economic systems were largely disconnected. These findings suggest that internal political processes leading to an increase in competition and to intensified warfare were important factors in the Classic Maya collapse of the Petexbatun region in Peten, Guatemala.

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