This article examines transformations in migration and security, arising from COVID-19 prevention measures. It utilises the Copenhagen school to theorise and illuminate the changes in the securitisation of migration and mobility in the United States. The focus on the United States was based on the fact that the country has, on top of being the world's most securitised, been the most severely affected by the pandemic, considering numerical statistics of infected and affected persons, deaths, and socio-economic impact. In doing so, the paper utilised relevant information sourced from online publications such as newspaper articles and other relevant institutional websites of the key agencies in the fight of the COVID-19 pandemic, chiefly the World Health Organisation, Centre for Disease Control, and the United States federal and state governments and academic journal articles. The main argument of the paper is that the COVID-19 pandemic will produce similar effects on migration and security as the September 11, 2001, terror attacks. The lessons gleaned from the current pandemic will most likely be a significant factor in shaping future politics and policies on the securitisation of migration and human mobility. The pandemic's portrayal as a security threat to human health has resulted in significant changes like travel embargoes, suspension of issuance of specific visa categories, and internal mobility controls, and now many countries are demanding for negative test results before allowing in any foreign arrivals into their territories. The paper concludes that the pandemic has ushered in alternative securitisation measures that would cause a shift in migration and security discourse from human-to-human aggression, notably terrorism, to the contagion of the pathogens like the coronavirus. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0751/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

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The concept of food sovereignty is primarily taken as an alternative to the prevailing neoliberal food security model. However, the approach has hitherto not received adequate attention from policy makers. This could be because the discourse is marked by controversies and contradictions, particularly regarding its ability to address the challenges of feeding a rapidly growing global population. In response to these criticisms, this paper argues that the principles of food sovereignty, such as democratic and transparent food systems, agroecology, and local market prioritization, should be fundamental pillars for achieving sustainable food security. It acknowledges that neither food sovereignty nor food security models alone can guarantee long-term food security, thus advocating for a blended approach that integrates these perspectives into a complex and interconnected system. This paper makes three significant contributions to the existing literature. Firstly, it emphasizes that food sovereignty should be seen as an integral component of transforming food systems towards sustainability, rather than a complete departure from neoliberal food systems. Secondly, it highlights the importance of adopting a multi-scalar approach, where decisions and policies for transforming food systems are context-specific and tailored to local circumstances. Lastly, the paper recognizes the necessity of institutional transformations that involve nation-states, social movements, and civil society organizations as key actors in the process of food system transformation. By reframing the discussion on food sovereignty and its relationship with food security, this paper provides insights into how these concepts can be mutually reinforcing, leading to more sustainable and equitable food systems.

Despite being the official origin of the SARS-CoV-2 global pandemic, China has managed to recuperate with relatively minimal health and economic damages while the United States and other big global players in Europe are still grappling soaring cases and facing immense economic hardships. The current global hegemon—the United States—has suffered the severest damages in terms of human mortality and increased unemployment rates. Such hardships coincided with its gradual withdrawal from numerous international engagements. At the same time, China is deepening and expanding its global presence and visibility through foreign infrastructure investment and diplomatic ties both at multilateral and bilateral levels. Considering such, the paper discusses the likely impact of China’s early recovery on the future of the global order. The discussion demonstrates that China has utilised the pandemic to showcase its ability to become a global protector. The country has played a pivotal role in the supply of pharmaceutical equipment required to slow down the spread of the disease and has played a significant role in providing the information and advice regarding practical methods to prevent the virus from wide spreading. Economically, China has been the first big global player to register positive economic growth since the pandemic’s outbreak and yet did not provide any stimulus packages to support businesses as other big economies have done and are still doing. With such, many commentators suggest that China is likely to replace the United States as the new global economic superpower since the United States is receding from in its global engagements and suffering economic uncertainties. However, the author of this paper believes that, despite the adverse impact of the coronavirus on the world's leading economies, the shrinking US's interest in international affairs, and the global role of China during the coronavirus period—the roots of US's influence on the international scene are too deep to uproot as of now. The US remains robust militarily, economically, and politically abroad. Besides, the country has a chance to turnaround its international reputation should the November 2020 presidential election result in a new white house occupant. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0730/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>