Second-home tourism is a very popular form of tourism in many countries, particularly in the Nordic countries. More than half of the Swedish population have access to second homes. Previous studies have revealed that there is great variation between different second homes. Examples range from rustic Australian shacks, lonely cabins in the Norwegian mountains, spacious Swedish archipelago villas and palatial Russian dachas. Still, second homes are often seen and analysed as a unitary category -a perspective that obscures the considerable heterogeneity within the category as well as spatial differences in the impact of second-home tourism. Using a second-home typology from previous research and data on about 660,000 second homes, we analyse the heterogeneity of second homes by mapping the composition of the Swedish second-home stock. Results show the uneven geography of second-home tourism, revealing significant and sometimes steep differences between peripheral areas and urban hinterlands, tourism hotspots, and areas in decline. Based on these results, we assert that there is good cause to move away from using second homes as a unitary category. Instead, we argue for viewing second homes as an umbrella concept with dwelling use in focus. This enables a greater sensibility to place and more accurate analyses of the uneven impacts of second-home tourism. The results also give greater insights into the impact of the 'invisible population' of second-home owners from a public planning perspective. M€ uller, Hall, and Keen (2004)) 提出的第二住宅分类 方法和660000份第二住宅数据, 把瑞典第二住宅的结构绘制在地 图上, 分析了其多样性。结果显示出第二住宅不平衡的地理分布, 揭示出边缘地区、城市腹地、旅游景区和衰落地区明显甚至是尖 锐的差异。基于这些结果, 我们断言这是一个放弃对第二住宅单 一分类的好理由。相反, 我们主张应该从居住用途上把第二住宅

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Second homes are at the nexus of tourism and migration. Previous research has demonstrated that second homes are important domiciles after retirement. Nevertheless, few studies have addressed this issue specifically. Many households claim that they would use their second homes more often, and some even state that they would convert these homes into their new permanent homes. While this is a known phenomenon, its geographical outcome is rather unknown. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the conversion of second homes into primary residences. This is done with respect to timing and geographical patterns. A geo‐referenced longitudinal population database allows for identifying converted properties and linking them to information of their owners' households. This facilitates a discussion regarding the impact of conversions on planning and service provision in host communities, too. The analysis refers to the time period from 1991 to 2005.

As a result of the ongoing urbanization trend in many countries, most rural and peripheral areas are suffering from depopulation and out‐migration. Nevertheless, some rural areas are experiencing a net in‐flow of older migrants. One explanation mentioned is that people own second homes that are converted into permanent homes in later life. However, this description has rarely been tested empirically. Rather, it has been described as residual for migration into rural areas. Three hypotheses have been put forward in relation to second homes as a trigger for migration in later life. The first is that second‐home owners are less inclined to move but utilize their second home more as a substitute for permanent amenity migration. The second is that owners are more likely to move as they have the opportunity to move permanently to their second home, while the third is that second‐home owners would be more likely to downsize from their permanent home and make housing adjustments. This study attempts to answer the question if second‐home ownership triggers migration in later life and if it is a matter of housing adjustment or converting a second home into a permanent home. This is performed by analysing microdata covering all individuals in Sweden in the 55–70‐years age range in the 1999–2008 period. Results support the hypothesis that second‐home ownership triggers migration in later life and, by so doing, imply that a life course perspective is valuable for our understanding of migration in later life and that not only permanent migration but also experiences of temporary mobility are relevant for migration biographies. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.