PurposeThe aim of the research is twofold: to explore relations between work/family demands, work‐family conflict (WFC), family‐work conflict (FWC) and wellbeing outcomes, and to contrast employees from an individualistic (UK) and a collectivistic (Taiwan) society.Design/methodology/approachHeterogeneous samples of full‐time employees in Taiwan and UK were surveyed using structured questionnaires.FindingsFor both the Taiwanese and British, work demands were positively related to WFC, whereas family demands were positively related to FWC. Both WFC and FWC were negatively related to wellbeing for employees in the two countries. More importantly, it was found that, for British, there was a stronger positive relation between workload and WFC, as well as a stronger positive relation between sharing household chores and FWC than for Taiwanese.Research limitations/implicationsThe relatively small sample size and the use of self‐report method are limitations of the present study. However, our results have both theoretical and practical implications. It is noted that Western findings regarding work/family issues may not generalize completely to a different cultural context. Consequently, company policies pertaining to work time and family issues should be re‐formulated, taking the core cultural values such as individualism‐collectivism into account.Originality/valueThe cross‐cultural comparative design is a major thrust of the present study, and the systematic examination of antecedents, moderators, and consequences of WFC and FWC is a rare effort in the field.
Two experiments are reported here in which Ss were asked to rate videotapes of a performer reading friendly, neutral and hostile messages in a friendly, neutral or hostile non‐verbal style. These messages and non‐verbal styles had previously been presented independently to a separate group of Ss jor rating, in order to obtain an estimate of their individual strengths in terms of six rating scales, and thus permit a matching of verbal (messages) and non‐verbal (styles) cues in the experiment where both types of cues were presented in combination. The results of both experiments indicate that non‐verbal cues had a greater effect on ratings made on 7‐point scales, such as hostile‐friendly, than verbal cues. The magnitude of this greater effect of non‐verbal cues, however, was dependent on the relative strength of non‐verbal as opposed to verbal cues. In the first experiment, both types of cues were approximately equal in strength when ruted alone; here non‐verbal cues accounted for 12.5 times us much variance us verbal cues, and produced 5.7 times as much shift on the ratitig scales. In the second experiment the verbal cues were much stronger than the non‐verbal cues when rated alone. Here the relative effect of non‐verbal cues in the second experiment was diminished; the ratio of non‐verbal : verbal variance was now 1.67:1. When verbal and non‐verbal signals were inconsistent, the performance was rated as insincere, unstable and confusing ‐ which was not found in earlier experiments on the superior‐inferior dimension.
Happiness as a state of mind may be universal, but its meaning is complex and ambiguous. The authors directly examined the relationships between cultural values and experiences of happiness in 2 samples, by using a measurement of values derived from Chinese culture and a measurement of subjective well-being balanced for sources of happiness salient in both the East and the West. The participants were university students-439 from an Eastern culture (Taiwan) and 344 from a Western culture (the United Kingdom). Although general patterns were similar in the 2 samples, the relationships between values and happiness were stronger in the Taiwanese sample than in the British sample. The values social integration and human-heartedness had culture-dependent effects on happiness, whereas the value Confucian work dynamism had a culture-general effect on happiness.
Adopting a ‘cross‐cultural indigenous approach’ (CCI), we attempted a conceptual analysis of cultural conceptions of SWB in terms of individual‐oriented SWB (ISWB) and socially oriented SWB (SSWB) views. Also incorporating findings from our previous qualitative studies, a culturally balanced and fair measurement, The Individual‐oriented and Socially oriented cultural conceptions of SWB Scales (ISSWB) was developed and evaluated in two studies involving Chinese and American participants. The 51‐item version of the new measure showed good internal consistency reliability, test–retest reliability, convergent and discriminant validity. Further analysis showed that the Chinese possessed stronger SSWB than the Americans, while the Americans possessed stronger ISWB than the Chinese. There were also intracultural differences among the Chinese people. Overall, the studies showed the utility of ISSWB scales for future studies.
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