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Os Kaingang, uma sociedade ameríndia da família lingüística Jê, habitantes do sul do Brasil, possuem xamãs, nomeados de kuiã, que provêem de somente uma metade (a metade Kamé) e que dispõem de um animal-auxiliar associado a sua metade de origem. No plano sociológico, tudo se passa como se o xamanismo kaingang envolvesse uma metade, que se ocupa, sem partilha ou complementaridade com a outra metade, de sua prática. Este fato contrasta com os outros aspectos da vida ritual kaingang que se caracteriza pela obrigatoriedade complementar entre os membros das metades kamé e kairu. De um ponto de vista comparativo, o caso Kaingang difere da assimetria e da necessária complementaridade existente entre os Bororo, entre os xamãs bope, quase sempre da metade tugarege, e xamãs aroe, que são quase sempre da metade exarae. Bope e aroe são complementos inversos um do outro que definem os pólos ideológicos da sociedade bororo. Em contraste, o xamanismo kaingang parece corresponder à forma restrita do princípio hierárquico que concebe uma oposição cujos componentes estão ligados por uma relação de contrariedade, a oposição hierárquica, definida como uma relação englobante-englobado. Um dos termos (kamé) é idêntico ao todo e engloba o outro (kairu). O dualismo permite o engendramento de contrastes úteis em função dos contextos muito variados e mutáveis, contrastes que são construídos a partir de princípios simples: o idêntico e o diferente, o uno e o múltiplo, o centro e a periferia, o masculino e o feminino, o alto e o baixo, etc. No plano de uma sociedade de organização dualista - como o caso dos Kaingang e Bororo demonstram - é importante determinar a relação respectiva das metades afim de compreender seu papel complementar e assimétrico na constituição da instituição da prática xamânica. Este estudo demonstra a urgência e o interesse de estender a comparação às outras sociedades Jê.
The Kaingang are an Amerindian society, of the Jê linguistic group, who live in the southern region of Brazil. Among the Kaingang there are shamans, called kuiã, who arise only from one portion, the Kamé moiety, and who have an auxiliary animal associated to their original group. It is as if the Kaingang shamanism involved, on the sociological level, one half of the group, a moiety that is solely occupied, without any complementarity or sharing, with the field of practice. Such a division is in stark contrast with all other ritual aspects of the Kaingang, for their rituals are characterized by the complementary obligation between members of the Kamé and Kairu moieties. If we compare the Kaingang case with the Bororo, we can see that the Kaingang division contrasts with the Bororo's asymmetry and necessary complementarity. In the Bororo case, the bope shamans are usually from the Tugarege moiety, while the aroe shamans are usually from the Exarae moiety. For the Bororo, the bope and aroe shamans complement each other, one being the reverse of the other, and both determine the two related ideological opposites of the Bororo society. The Kaingang sh...

Resumo: A partir da relação dialógica entre o Kaingang Kõikãng (o “velho chefe”) e o etnólogo Herbert Baldus (um “racionalista”) sobre a cosmologia kaingang, ocorrido em Palmas, estado do Paraná, em 1933, da sua experiência de campo e, em particular, dos mitos narrados pelo seu informante, o Kaingang Vicente Fókãe do Posto Indígena Xapecó, Santa Catarina, em 1994, Robert Crépeau (re)introduz a discussão sobre a interpretação dos mitos e dos ritos realizada pelos investigadores no decorrer do século XX.

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In the Bousquet mining district, metamorphosed volcanic rocks of the Blake River Group (BRG) exhibit discrete strain features resulting from three generations of structures—D1, D2, and D3. Deformation D1 formed an east–west-trending, subvertical, penetrative schistosity that is coplanar with the axial plane of associated folds. This foliation contains a linear fabric plunging steeply westward, and mineral lineations are subparallel to fold axes and to intersection lineations.Defomations D2 and D3 formed a crenulation cleavage and a set of conjugate kink bands, respectively. The cleavage is oriented east–northeast, and the kink bands are oriented northeast–southwest and northwest–southeast. Both deformations distorted earlier-formed structures to a minor extent. A conjugate set of minor strike-slip faults with orientations similar to the kinks are the youngest structures found in BRG rocks.The volcanic sequence is composed of two lithotectonic domains juxtaposed along fault-related contacts. Each domain exhibits distinctive strain features attributed mainly to a broad network of anastomosing faults. This network of faults disrupted strata and destroyed many internal stratigraphic features, especially in domain 2; it relates to late stages of D1.Domain 1, occupying the northern half of the BRG in the mine area, represents a zone of weakly sheared tholeiitic basalts 750 m thick and is overlain by 150 m of felsic volcaniclastic rocks. Primary textures and structures indicate that this domain forms a south-facing homoclinal succession.Domain 2 is characterized by a strongly strained, 500 m wide belt of anastomosing faults adjacent to the southern margin of domain 1. Narrow bands of schist, mylonite, and phyllonite straddle fault zones and surround less-deformed, lozenge-shaped blocks of metamorphosed volcanic and (or) volcaniclastic rocks.The lack of syngenetic structures and textures, together with intense faulting and transposition, restricts stratigraphic correlations throughout the BRG as well as correlations between this volcanic succession and the adjacent sedimentary units. Structural evidence presented here complicates the original stratigraphic scheme commonly applied to volcano-sedimentary assemblages in the Rouyn–Val D'Or area. It is proposed that faulting is responsible for the spatial distribution of lithologies previously interpreted as resulting from folding phenomena in the Bousquet mining district. Gold mineralization is concentrated in bands of deformed rocks in the fault zones of domain 2 at the Bousquet mine.

La vie rituelle des Kaingang, une société amérindienne du Brésil, est caractérisée par la célébration d’un rite de secondes funérailles, nommé Kikikoi, que ces derniers associent explicitement à la représentation de leur identité amérindienne ainsi qu’à la revendication de leurs droits constitutionnels et territoriaux. À la suite de fortes pressions externes, sa réalisation fut interrompue pendant près de vingt-cinq ans. Sa reprise en 1976 lui donna un second souffle qui dura un peu plus d’une trentaine d’années jusqu’en 1999. Depuis le début du présent millénaire, la réalisation de ce rite fait l’objet de vives discussions au sein de diverses communautés Kaingang où une partie grandissante de la population convertie au pentecôtisme s’oppose à sa réalisation en invoquant notamment l’importante consommation de boisson fermentée qu’il implique. Ses réalisations récentes ont fait l’objet de divers aménagements tenant compte des dynamiques politiques et religieuses locales. Dans cet article, nous décrivons et analysons cette actualisation récente du Kikikoi en regard des nouvelles dynamiques sociales auxquelles est confrontée la culture kaingang.

RÉSUMÉLes Kaingang dans le contexte des études gé et bororoLes études portant sur les Gé et les Bororo du Brésil sont exemplaires de la rencontre de plusieurs approches se déployant sur une scène régionale et nationale et prenant appui sur : 1- une identité linguistique : l'appartenance au tronc linguistique macro-gé et 2- une organisation sociale dualiste d'une grande complexité. La nature de l'organisation dualiste est au centre des travaux des Gé-ologues depuis les années 1930. Plusieurs approches concurrentes ont tenté de comprendre les interrelations complexes existant entre l'idéologie dualiste telle que conçue par les sociétés elles-mêmes et l'hétérogénéité de leurs pratiques concrètes qui ne se limitent que rarement à un schème duel. À partir du cas des Kaingang du sud du Brésil, ce texte insiste sur une approche contextuelle qui tient compte du dualisme gé et du fait que les Kaingang se conçoivent à la fois et sans contradiction comme monade, dyade et polyade.Mots clés : Crépeau, dualisme, mythologie, système symbolique, identité, parenté, espace social, Autochtones, Gé, Kaingang, BrésilABSTRACTThe Kaingang in thé Context of Gê and Bororo StudiesResearch on thé Gê and Bororo of Brazil exemplifies thé convergence of several approaches related to a national context and a régional tradition. Thèse studies are based on : 1- common linguistic identity (membership in thé macro-Gê stock) and 2- very complex dual social organization. The nature of dual organization has been at thé heart of research by Gê specialists since thé thirties. Many competing approaches hâve attempted to understand thé complex interrelationship between dualist ideology — as expressed by thé Gê people themselves — and thé gréât variety of social practices associated with this ideology. Such practices are rarely limited to a dual framework. Using thé case of thé Kaingang of Southern Brazil, this paper proposes a contextual approach that takes into account Gê dualism as well as thé fact that thé Kaingang see themselves in monadic, dyadic and polyadic terms.Key words : Crépeau, dualism, mythology, symbolic System, identity, kinship, social space, native people, Gê, Kaingang, Brazi

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