4 variant relationships,&dquo; &dquo;causal arrows,&dquo; etc., between the &dquo;parts&dquo; or &dquo;events&dquo; of psychohistorical phenomena, a new wave of historians and philosophers of scientific inquiry are stressing that there have been profound conceptual shifts in our appreciation of detail statements for the nature of physical phenomena. An appreciation of this new approach shifts the attention from the prose-laden imposition of the concepts of &dquo;natural selection,&dquo; etc., on psychohistorical phenomena to the imposing task of coordinating and merging the findings of the growth, transmission, and spatial-temporal distribution of diverse concepts and what they lead to for the people involved as found in ethnographic, historical, psychological, philosophical, and scientific studies.From an anthropological point of view, the history of Western science is the best temporally recorded ethnography of a few human beings assigning meaning to the universe. The emergence of scientific inquiry can be conceptualized as a means of structuring potential conceptual contention in communicating. Whereas Western thought in general has been organized around the concepts of &dquo;normal&dquo; and &dquo;deviations,&dquo; &dquo;scientific societies&dquo; formed within the larger societies to construct an interlocking network of ideas and concepts sufficient to understand the natural manifold. The dynamics are argumentation through demonstration and documentation. The concepts of &dquo;polylectics&dquo; and &dquo;transmutations&dquo; of semantic networks are presented.Most of the tests for Galton's problem require that sample societies be aligned in terms of their estimated interdependence, so that the similarity of contiguous societies can be evaluated.
The Murdock-White sampling alignment, prepared for their Standard Cross-Cultural Sample, is the procedure of choice for solving Galton's problem, in place of any of Naroll's alignments. In order to use the Mur dock-White alignment for societies other than the 186 in their sample, it is necessary to take advantage of the Loftin-Hill concordance, which cov ers the 862 societies of the 1967 Ethnographic Atlas. However, Loftin and Hill's original concordance is ambiguous with respect to the placement of 32 societies, including such well-known ones as the Rwala, the Sanussi, the French, the Hupa, the Yurok, and the Karok. Loftin and Hill also did not classify the Tzeltal or any of the dozens of Overseas European soci eties. This paper claims to resolve these difficulties and thus to make the full 1967 Ethnographic Atlas list available for the Murdock-White align ment procedure. A revised concordance is presented as an appendix.
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