Does the Genitive Operate in the Hungarian Case System?: I. The é-Genitive After three centuries of discussion concerning the genitive case in Hungarian, the authors of the latest academic grammars - in contrast to many of their predecessors - no longer distinguish this casal category. Different cases in Hungarian should, according to them, be distinguished only on the basis of their forms (endings). Such an extreme unilateral approach to this category seems to have simplified at first sight the description of the Hungarian language, erasing from it any case syncretism. From the point of the view defended in the present paper, however, talking about linguistic entities without taking into account their meaning is illusory; even in the case of meaningless speech segments such as phonemes it is the meaning of the segments in which they occur that constitutes the ultimate instance allowing them to be distinguished at all. The same applies to case. The moderate approach to the category of case adopted here, taking simultaneously into account its (i) morphological, (ii) semantic and (iii) syntactic properties, leads irrevocably to the restoration of the genitive in the description of the Hungarian language. As a specific feature of this language one should consider the sharp distinction between two subclasses of the genitive case: (i) the non-attributive (é-genitive) and (ii) the attributive genitive (Ø-/nak-/nek-genitive). Only the first of these (the é-genitive) will be discussed in detail. The second (the Ø-/nak-/nek-genitive) will be the subject of a continuation of the present paper. Recognition of the é-genitive seems to have been blocked by those of its properties which seem to be quite incongruous with those of other Hungarian cases. It is claimed, for example, that the marker -é - unlike the markers of other cases - seems not to express any syntagmatic function. This function is expressed by the case marker attached after the morpheme -é (A diákét (láttam) '(I saw) The student's one'). In the view of the author, however, the lack of syntagmatic function in the case of the morpheme -é is not so obvious. On the other hand, such "discrediting" properties for a case marker candidate, as the property of not occupying the final morphotactical position (diákét), can be viewed as entirely irrelevant for the category of case. The adopted approach seems to make possible a description of this fragment of the Hungarian case system from a more homogenous perspective, showing the interplay of different casal meanings within the boundaries of one word.
Robert Bielecki & Kamil Trąba. Some general thoughts on tense and aspect in Modern Greek. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of Arts and Sciences, PL ISSN 0079-4740, pp. 39-54The morphological categories belonging to the semantic dimension of Tense in Modern Greek, as it is traditionally conceived, seem to be distinguished by means of non-homogeneous criteria. In this paper the temporal and aspectual meanings are treated separately. In consequence, Modern Greek has at its disposal (i) six Tenses and (ii) two Aspects. The meanings of the six Tenses are captured systemically by means of three Time-points: (i) Event Time, (ii) Reference Time and (iii) Speech Time, which are referred to each other in the order given by means of the relations of (i) previousness and (ii) simultaneity. In turn, the meanings of the two Aspects are captured by means of the notions of (i) Shortness and (ii) Longness, which are identified as the bedrock of the aspectual oppositions in Modern Greek. Other aspectual meanings such as Termination, Inchoativity, Completion, etc. are conveyed by the lexical stems of the appropriate verbs linked with the affixal markers of the two Aspects.
that present-day hungarian cannot be conceived as a language exempt from any case syncretism. the possibility of distinguishing different case categories relevant for this language by referring only to the form of their markers (endings) is illusory. what is more, it creates a space where some phenomena remain imperceptible. the postulated attributive genitive category can be distinguished not only on the basis of its syntactic properties. the manifestations of this case also differ substantially from the manifestations of other recognized cases. it is difficult to regard the attributive genitive in hungarian as syncretic with nominative or dative in the sense known in general linguistics, because the appropriate markers turn out to be insufficient in semifying (marking grammatically) the required meaning. they must be complemented by other markers attached to the head of the attributive syntagm (a diák/Ø könyv/e, a diák/nak a könyv/e 'the student's book'). the properties of the distribution of the hungarian attributive genitive with its two main manifestations (the endingless one: a diák könyve, and with ending: a diáknak a könyve) can be regarded as a contribution to the general theory of syntax; the genitive attributes of different grades are marked there substantially (a diák/Ø (iii) könyv/e (ii) cím/é/nek (i) a fordítás/a 'the translation of the title (i) of the book (ii) of the student (iii)') and not only by their linear order as in many indo-european and finno-Ugric languages. when the word fulfilling the attributive function belongs to the category of personal pronoun, concord can be identified between it and its head in person and number (az én könyv/em 'my book, the book of mine'). the factual elision of personal pronouns resulting from their redundancy in this context gives no grounds to state that morphemes like -em in a könyv/em do not fulfil any syntagmatic function. such an utterance constitutes a discrepancy with the analogous behaviour of personal pronouns in relation to finite verbal forms (én olvas/ok 'i read' → olvas/ok '(i) read') where no-one speaks of the irrelevancy of the personal endings in reference to their syntagmatic function. the necessity of distinguishing of socalled "marks" (here "possessor marks") is being questioned here; those morphemes are not deprived of fulfilling the syntagmatic function ascribed traditionally to the case endings in the case of nominal flexion. they are regarded here as parts of the discontinuative (genitive) case markers. the specific features of the hungarian genitive include its sharp division into two subcategories: (i) the é-genitive and (ii) the Ø-/nak-/ nek-genitive. their complementary distribution, together with other discussed properties, additionally corroborates the relevance of distinguishing for them a common upper morphosyntactic category called the genitive case. and finally, hungarian turns out to be a language where the accumulation of multiple case meanings, all being manifested substantially within the boundaries of one word, can be a...
The present paper aims to demonstrate the synchronic inadequacy for the description of modern Estonian nominal flexion of such notions as: (i) lõpumuutus, lõpuvaheldus 'alternation of final sound(s) (of the stem of a word)', and (ii) astmevaheldus 'gradation' in the shape proposed by Estonian linguistis. The first seems to be founded only on diachronic relations resulting from the vanishing of final sound(s) of the stem of the historical Nom Sg and historical endings of Gen Sg (*-n), Acc Sg (*-m) and partially Part Sg (*-ta, *-tä). According to the approach discussed in the present paper, this notion is not relevant to contemporary Estonian. Its existence in Estonian linguistics interferes with the recognition of new endings of Gen Sg, (Acc Sg) and partially Part Sg, which seem to have originated because of the aforementioned changes, taking some substance from primarily nonfunctional final sound(s) of the historical Nom Sg. The meaning of the notion of astmevaheldus 'gradation', on the other hand, seems to be subject to constant restriction in modern Estonian linguistics in order not to exceed the scope of its quantitative and distributive historical properties. However its new functional burden, which consists in distinguishing between certain grammatical meanings like Gen Sg (for example lõpu 'of the end') and Part Sg (for example lõppu 'the end'), and its substantial manifestations based primarily on quantitative distinctions (for example /p/ vs. /pp/) makes it equivalent to certain phenomena which are not classed as gradation from the diachronic point of view (for example, historical gemination in short forms of Illat Sg, such as jõkke 'to the river'). In the present paper I propose expanding the
Waste water, drinking water and other industrial water sources are more and more/increasingly polluted with a large variety of contaminants, such as pesticides or residuals of pharmaceuticals. These compounds can impact human and animal organisms and lead to serious health issues. Today, in order to analyze the presence and quantity of the abovementioned micropollutants, samples are typically sent to specialized centralized laboratories and their processing may take up to several days. In order to meet the demand for continuous and consistent monitoring of aqueous solutions we propose a novel label-free technology system comprising proprietary chip and reader device designs. The core of the system is constituted by a planar-grated-waveguide (PGW) chip. Label-free biosensors, based on PGWs are sensitive to effective refractive index changes caused by the adsorption of biomolecules (micropollutants) onto the sensor surface or due to refractive index changes of the bulk solution. The presented reader device operates with a novel readout concept based on a scanning MEMS mirror for the angular interrogation of input grating couplers at a high repetition rate. The reader has fully integrated optics, electronics and fluidics and at the same time consumes limited energy (portable, field use ready). In the recent experiments, the effectiveness of the technology has been demonstrated with various liquids and bioassays showing (i) an excellent refractometric sensitivity with a limit of detection towards effective refractive index changes of Δneff < 2 x 10-7, and (ii) the capability to perform affinity measurements for large (>150 kDa) and small (<250 Da) molecules.View presentation recording on the SPIE Digital Library: http://dx.
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