28Access to data is a critical feature of an efficient, progressive, and ultimately self-correcting 29 scientific ecosystem. But the extent to which in-principle benefits of data sharing are realized 30 in practice is unclear. Crucially, it is largely unknown whether published findings can be 31 reproduced by repeating reported analyses upon shared data ("analytic reproducibility"). To by poor access to research data [7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]. Furthermore, even when data are shared, inadequate 57 documentation and formatting can render them unusable [10]. Thus, whilst data sharing has 58 many benefits in principle, the extent to which they are being realized in practice is unclear. 59Crucially, whether data access enables independent verification of analytic reproducibility is 60 largely unknown. 61Any investigation of data sharing utility faces an immediate impediment: research data 62 are typically not available. The policies of journals and professional societies, such as the 63The American Psychological Association, often fall short of imposing mandatory data 64 sharing requirements on researchers, and merely recommend that data be "available upon 65 request", if they make any recommendation at all [7,15]. In the absence of stringent 66 community norms or regulations, scientific claims are regularly published without public 67 release of the research data upon which they are based [7,9,14]. Post-publication efforts to 68 obtain data directly from authors frequently go unanswered, or are refused [11][12][13] 87Even when data are available, and in-principle reusable, the extent to which they In the present investigation, we sought to examine the state of data availability, 99 reusability, and analytic reproducibility within a sub-field of psychology. We capitalized on should be shared in a form that enables reuse and analytic reproducibility [24]. 140We are not aware of any pertinent co-interventions occurring during the assessment 2 Note that by "submitted" we technically mean that the article was formally logged at the journal following author submission. Cognition refers to this as the "received date" in article headers. 197In order to estimate the causal effect of the policy independent of any contemporary however, when time is the variable determining the point of discontinuity, the more commonly used terminology is "interrupted time series", which we employ here. Also note that we did not pre-specify the details of this analysis, such as the exact model specification. 4 We visually inspected the density of DAS inclusion over time and find no evidence that articles were preferentially submitted just before the deadline. 5 This specification appeared to model the secular trend adequately because the resulting residuals showed no evidence of autocorrelation. We attempted to fit alternative model specifications that would directly model the probability of DAS inclusion (i.e., a linear probability model) or its risk ratio (i.e., a log-linear model), either of which would obviate conversio...

Eskine, Kacinik, and Prinz’s (2011) influential experiment demonstrated that gustatory disgust triggers a heightened sense of moral wrongness. We report a large-scale multi-site direct replication of this study conducted by participants in the Collaborative Replications and Education Project. Participants in each sample were randomly assigned to one of three beverage conditions: bitter/disgusting, control, or sweet. Then, participants made a series of judgments indicating the moral wrongness of the behavior depicted in each of six vignettes. In the original study (N = 57), drinking the bitter beverage led to higher ratings of moral wrongness than drinking the control and sweet beverages; a beverage contrast was significant among conservative (N = 19) but not liberal (N = 25) participants. In this report, random effects meta-analyses across all participants (N = 1,137 in k = 11 studies), conservative participants (N = 142, k = 5), and liberal participants (N = 635, k = 9) revealed standardized effect sizes that were smaller than reported in the original study. Some were in the opposite of the predicted direction, all had 95% confidence intervals containing zero, and most were smaller than the effect size the original authors could meaningfully detect. In linear mixed-effects regressions, drinking the bitter beverage led to higher ratings of moral wrongness than drinking the control beverage but not the sweet beverage. Bayes Factor tests reveal greater relative support for the null hypothesis. The overall pattern provides little to no support for the theory that physical disgust via taste perception harshens judgments of moral wrongness.

Consuming coffee without (or with less) sugar may help people lower their daily calorie intake without restrictive dieting. We tested two theory-based interventions to help people do so. One involved gradually reducing sugar over time, and the other was based on mindfulness theory. These interventions were compared to a repeated exposure (to sugar-free coffee) group. Participants in all conditions had significant increases in consumption of sugar-free coffee that lasted six months. The mindfulness group had a larger increase than the others. Unexpectedly, the gradual reduction intervention led to a decrease in liking for sugar-free coffee, and was the least effective.

Objective: Interpersonal relationships are important predictors of health outcomes, and interpersonal influences on behaviours may be key mechanisms underlying such effects. Most health behaviour theories focus on intrapersonal factors and may not adequately account for interpersonal influences.We evaluate a dyadic extension of the Theory of Planned Behaviour by examining whether parent and adolescent characteristics (attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioural control, intentions) are associated with not only their own, but also each other's intentions/behaviours. Design: Using the Actor-Partner Interdependence Model, we analyse responses from 1,717 parent-adolescent dyads from the Family Life, Activity, Sun, Health, and Eating study. Main Outcome Measures:Adolescents/parents completed self-reports of their fruit and vegetable consumption, junk food and sugary drinks consumption, engagement in physical activity, and engagement in screen time sedentary behaviours. Results: Parent/adolescent characteristics are associated with each other's health-relevant intentions/behaviours above the effects of individuals' own characteristics on their own behaviours. Parent/adolescent characteristics covary with each other's outcomes with similar strength, but parent characteristics more strongly relate to adolescent intentions, whereas adolescent characteristics more strongly relate to parent behaviours. Conclusions: Parents and adolescents may bidirectionally influence each other's health intentions/behaviours. This highlights the importance of dyadic models of health behaviour and suggests intervention targets.

People regulate their eating behavior in many ways. They may respond to overeating by compensating with healthy eating behavior or increased exercise (i.e., a sensible tradeoff), or by continuing to eat poorly (i.e., disinhibition). Conversely, people may respond to a healthy eating event by subsequently eating poorly (i.e., self-licensing) or by continuing to eat healthily (i.e., promotion spillover). We propose that people may also change their behaviors in anticipation of an unhealthy eating event, a phenomenon that we will refer to as pre-compensation. Using a survey of 430 attendees of the Minnesota State Fair over two years, we explored whether, when, and how people compensated before and after this tempting eating event. We found evidence that people use both pre-compensatory and post-compensatory strategies, with a preference for changing their eating (rather than exercise) behavior. There was no evidence that people who pre-compensated were more likely to self-license by indulging in a greater number of foods or calories at the fair than those who did not. Finally, people who pre-compensated were more likely to also post-compensate. These results suggest that changing eating or exercise behavior before exposure to a situation with many tempting foods may be a successful strategy for enjoying oneself without excessively overeating.