The preceding paper described our numerical index of carcinogenic potency, the TD50 and the statistical procedures adopted for estimating it from experimental data. This paper presents the Carcinogenic Potency Database, which includes results of about 3000 long-term, chronic experiments of 770 test compounds. Part II is a discussion of the sources of our data, the rationale for the inclusion of particular experiments and particular target sites, and the conventions adopted in summarizing the literature. Part III is a guide to the plot of results presented in Part IV. A number of appendices are provided to facilitate use of the database. The plot includes information about chronic cancer tests in mammals, such as dose and other aspects of experimental protocol, histopathology and tumor incidence, TD50 and its statistical significance, dose response, author's opinion and literature reference. The plot readily permits comparisons of carcinogenic potency and many other aspects of cancer tests; it also provides quantitative information about negative tests. The range of carcinogenic potency is over 10 million-fold.
The atelectatic retraction pocket (ARP) has been implicated in the development of chronic otitis media and cholesteatoma. The ARP's tendency for persistence or recurrence despite treatment is a significant otologic problem. The purpose of this study is to define and discuss this clinical entity and the use of cartilage-perichondrium tympanoplasty as a safe and predictable method of treatment, reducing destructive complications while maintaining ear function. A retrospective analysis of 85 operated ears is presented.
or most American children, television has become an "early window" o n t o the world.' Few homes are without at least one set-in fact more homes have television than indoor plumbing.' Perhaps even more impressive is the amount of time children spend viewing televised programs. Today, by the time an average child reaches the age of front of television than any other single activity except sleep.3Exposure begins a t an early age. Schramm and his associates estimate the average child begins viewing television regularly eighteen, he or she has spent more time watching television than being in a school classroom, or more dramatically, more time in at about two years of age and by three is into a routine, clamorin for specific programs4 and watching from 2 t o 3 hours daily.With such pervasiveness in the household and lives of children, it is reasonable to expect that ideas or themes consistently portrayed by television will have some impact on its viewers, particularly if they are children. F o r children, the line between fantasy and reality is less clear and the illusion through the magic window might easily be mistaken for real life.6 There is a large and growing literature documenting the impact of television on social variables such as vocabulary, altruistic behavior, conceptions of law enforcement, cultural tastes, general knowledge, gratification through fantasy, uses of other media, preferences for special kinds of hero models, dream content, etc.'l Much of the research consists of a variety of experimental and field studies supporting the argument that a relationship exists between televised violence and aggressive behavior.8 Particularly significant is the work of Albert Bandura and his associates investigating the process of "vicarious learning" and modeling.' Bandura, et al., have demonstrated that children (and adults) learn from watching other persons behave and the reactions (rewards or punishments) to their behavior. And seeing the "model" o n film facilitates 9 561
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