This article presents the results of a sociolinguistic study focusing on the expression of double
object marking constructions (DbOM) in the contact variety of Spanish spoken in Pitt County,
North Carolina. For the purposes of this article, DbOM constructions are defined as those
utterances in which an accusative or dative clitic co-occurs with a coreferential overt nominal
phrase. The data resulting from study participant interviews were analyzed to contrast the
availability and variation of DbOM constructions with respect to sociolinguistic and linguistic
factors. Confirming the initial hypothesis stemming from the absence of any type of argument
doubling in English, the study’s results reveal that extent of daily English use in Pitt County is a
significant factor in the expression of DbOM constructions. Moreover, and in agreement with the
third proposed hypothesis, the case assigned to the doubled argument as well as the type of
predicate, rather than the contrast between direct and indirect objects, are significant factors in the
type of object doubling observed.
Using Catalan and Mayangna data as evidence, I claim that experiencer predicates are drawn from a universal structure, headed by the functional projection vEXPP. According to this structure, an experience-denoting N is merged with a V-head to obtain an experience predication, which may take a source of experience phrase as its specifier. The experiencer, introduced by the vEXP head, c-commands the source of experience allowing for a 'parasitic' possession relationship. Additionally, the data presented here show that a limited subset of experience phrases allow an agentive reading. I argue that such agentive interpretation is the result of the merging in the structure of an agentive functional head, vAG, generated above vEXPP. In turn, this agentive functional head is responsible for the introduction of the agentive, external argument.
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