Although there are increasing examples of collaborative ethnography, there are few explicit reflections on its process. The authors systematically juxtapose their jointly collected but separately recorded observations in a neighborhood recreation center in Chicago to examine points of similarity and difference. They find that collaborative ethnography can be useful for providing a richer description, highlighting perceptual inconsistencies, and recognizing the influence of ethnographers' personal and intellectual backgrounds on the collection and recording of data. The authors' reflexive analysis also illustrates that the choice of collaborators is key for influencing the depth or breadth of the data collected. Finally, they show that there is neither one truth, nor one reality, nor one stable social world to observe.Although many researchers have turned to collaborative ethnography as a way in which to explore a variety of social phenomena, we find that there are few explicit reflections on doing collaborative ethnography or on the systematic juxtaposition of observations, what caused those particular observations, and their possible interpretations. There are many comparative ethnographies or ethnographic monographs that use a team approach. In fact, the comparative and team approaches to ethnography have become quite popular, especially in urban sociology, challenging the research done by the lone ethnographer in his or her exclusive domain (see, e.g., Burawoy et al., 1991;Newman, 1999;Sullivan, 1989;Wilson, 1996). Yet, often these studies are written by one voice (or perhaps two voices) who compiles the data collected by others to offer his or her realist narrative of social life in the setting(s) under study.

Using ethnographic data collected in the downtown nightlife of Athens, Georgia, we explore black males' responses to being rejected from nightclubs via dress code enforcement in predominately white settings. We contrast these responses to the general experiences of other black males who gained access. Although race is a factor in the enforcement of dress codes, we find a fluid relationship between race, class, and taste that influences black males' responses and experiences. We illustrate how the nuanced reality of lived racial and class experiences for many young black males problematize the narrow interpretation of a black cultural essence.Urban sociologists have long considered the interesting ways individuals in cities negotiate public space. Early studies examine the ways in which ecological boundaries impact social interaction (see e.g., Park and Burgess 1924;Park et al. 1925;Thrasher 1936;Drake and Cayton 1945) and the manner in which city living shapes individuals' personalities (e.g., Simmel [1903Simmel [ ] 1971Whyte 1955;Liebow 1967). More recent studies have considered how city dwellers "get along" on streets where heterogeneous populations interact (e.g.

It is a generally accepted belief, affirmed in the media, that professional Black male basketball players from the National Basketball Association serve as role models for young Black males. Very little empirical evidence, however, is available about how the young men think about these relationships. Using the concept of role model from social learning theory as a lens, I analyze interview data drawn from a convenience sample of 19 young Black men who participated in high school basketball to investigate the idea of “professional Black male basketball players as role models.” I find that young men do not necessarily accept the “good/bad” role-model dichotomy presented in the media, but rather, they are discerning in their acceptance and rejection of certain role-model attitudes and behaviors.

Interscholastic sport in the United States is a social institution within which the social relationships and attitudes needed to sustain the existing dominant economic and class relations of the larger society could be perpetuated or reproduced. This single case study allowed us to explore the question of social reproduction by examining the nuances of how a young Black male high school basketball player helped to reproduce his social class position in society by aspiring to a career as a professional athlete. Our findings reveal that not only does this young man exclude himself from alternative opportunities for social mobility, but also in the context of pursuing hoop dreams, he lacked the cultural and social capital for navigating his way to his desired goal. Practical and research implications are discussed.

In recent years, sociologists and others have suggested that nightclub owners have used dress codes to covertly discriminate against African Americans and Latinos. We test this claim using experimental audit methods where matched pairs of African American, Latino, and white men attempt to enter urban nightclubs with dress codes in large metropolitan areas (N = 159). We find systematic evidence that African Americans are denied access to nightclubs more often than similarly appearing whites and (in some cases) Latinos attempting to enter the same nightclubs. The magnitude of this discrimination is similar to that observed in housing audit studies. However, we do not find evidence of unequal treatment between whites and Latinos. These findings suggest that dress codes are used to racially discriminate against African Americans, in violation of federal law.