Shifting polio eradication strategies may have generated fear and “resistance” to the eradication program in Aligarh, India during the summer of 2009. Participant observation and formal interviews with 107 people from May to August 2009 indicated that the intensified frequency of vaccination was correlated with patients' doubt in the efficacy of the vaccine. This doubt was exacerbated in a few cases as families were uninformed of the use of monovalent mOPV1, while P3 cases continued to occur. Many families had also come to believe that their children had been adversely affected by OPV after being told the vaccine carried no risk. Though polio is now largely eradicated in India, with only a single case in 2011, greater transparency about changes with vaccination policy may need to be considered to build trust with the public in future eradication programs.

BackgroundSignificant disparities in the incidence of polio existed during its eradication campaign in India. In 2006, Muslims, who comprise 16% of the population in affected states, comprised 70% of paralytic polio cases. This disparity was initially blamed on the Muslims and a rumor that the vaccination program was a plot to sterilize their children. Using the framework of structural violence, this paper describes how the socio-political and historical context of Muslim populations in India shaped the polio disparity.Methods and FindingsA qualitative study utilizing methods of rapid ethnography was conducted from May-August 2009 in Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India. Field methods included participant observation of vaccination teams, historical document research, and 107 interviews with both Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) stakeholders and families with vaccine-eligible children. Almost all respondents agreed that Aligarh was a highly segregated city, mostly due to riots after Partition and during the 1990s. Since the formation of segregated neighborhoods, most respondents described that "Muslim areas" had been underdeveloped compared to "Hindu areas," facilitating the physical transmission of poliovirus. Distrust of the government and resistance to vaccination were linked to this disparate development and fears of sterilization influenced by the "Family Planning Program" from 1976-1977.ConclusionsEthnic violence and social marginalization since the Partition and during the rise of Hindu nationalism led to distrust of the government, the formation of segregated slums, and has made Muslims victims of structural violence. This led to the creation of disease-spreading physical environments, lowered vaccine efficacy, and disproportionately higher levels of resistance to vaccination. The causes of the polio disparity found in this study elucidate the nature of possible other health disparities affecting minorities in India.LimitationsThis study is limited by the manual coding of the transcribed data, size, and some dialectal difficulties in translation.

Neurological manifestations of mononucleosis are extremely rare, occurring in about 1% of all cases. However, when they occur, appropriate treatment must be undertaken to ensure appropriate symptomatic management and reduce morbidity. We present the case of a 25-year-old graduate student with weeklong complaints of fever, sore throat, fatigue, nausea, and “dizziness.” She later developed increased sleep requirements, ataxia, vertigo, and nystagmus with a positive EBV IgM titer confirming acute infectious mononucleosis. The patient was clinically diagnosed with EBV-associated cerebellitis and encephalitis, displaying neurological and psychiatric impairment commonly seen in postconcussion syndrome. MRI showed no acute changes. She was started on valacyclovir and a prednisone taper, recovering by the end of twelve weeks. Though corticosteroids and acyclovir are not recommended therapy in patients presenting with EBV-associated ataxia, clinicians may want to keep a low threshold to start these medications in case more serious neurological sequelae develop.