It is widely accepted that news discourse is 'free' from both rhetoric and ideology. Western journalists would all too eagerly support such a claim, and add to it the myth of objective-mirroring ofreality. It is, therefore, of particular interest for the Student of news to uncover rhetorical devices related, äs they are, to specific ideological 'environments'.It isfound (in the Israeli case) that the various ways ofspeech presentation contribute to the dominant 'rhetoric of objectivity' in the news. Firstly, it is the preferred indirect-speech technique that contributes to the standardized, no-digression, impersonal type of discourse. And secondly, for direct and combined speech to occur -ideology seems repeatedly to be consulted. Such digressions tend to be coloredby the Speaker's judgements, and, indeed only in some situations, some quotations are permitted to be presented with their original flavor.The news tries hard to avoid an overt expression of such flavor s. Direct speech is therefore very rare, andmimetic elements of combined speech are somewhat controlled-or t perhaps concealed-in the preferred grammatical indirect speech. Moreover, äs a rule it is the speech ofnon-elite, enemy t and other non-very-important Speakers which is presented in combined speech. Ideological permission to deviatefrom indirect speech is also given to less important, less respected issues.Patterns of speech presentations become, thus t clues for a System of values, for cultural hierarchies. Beyond direct and indirect speechThe various techniques of speech presentation in narrative fiction have been widely researched and described by scholars of both literature and linguistics (for example, McHale, 1978;Rimmon-Kenan, 1983). Speech
Since its eruption in December 1987, the Intifada has been accorded considerable press attention. In the study reported here we show that in this crisis journalism tends to articulate mainstream ideology, rather than energize public awareness about the importance of its events. Two Israeli daily newspapers are studied, one `quality' paper, catering to a highly educated audience, and the other, a `popular' paper, with the largest readership in the country. Contrary to expectations, the differences in the Intifada coverage of the two Hebrew dailies seem to be rather meagre. It is argued that consensus and widely shared national ideology override professional norms and practices, so that differences in narrative structure and rhetorical strategies are minimized. The major crisis, threatening the coexistence of Israelis and Palestinians, is similarly presented in the otherwise distinctively different papers, in what amounts to a general tone of `playing it down'. A `rhetoric of conformity' in both papers suggests a clear preference to `our' point of view, expressing a perceived consensus, and at the same time contributing to its maintenance.
The televised pre‐election debate, first instituted during the Nixon‐Kennedy campaign in 1960, has since been adopted by virtually all Western Democracies. In Israel, the first televised debate took place in 1977 between M. Begin and S. Peres, who met before the cameras once again four years later. A third such debate took place in 1984, this time between S. Peres and I. Shamir. The increasing presence of the mass media in the political system diverts attention from politicians' deeds to their verbal behavior. The televised debate is a most reliable means of documenting the verbal behavior of political candidates, notwithstanding the constraints imposed on such behavior by the medium and the format. In this paper, the author attempts to analyze the communicative setting of the debate within the Israeli format. Stylistic features of the candidates' discourse are studied, beginning with a review of some salient characteristics of persuasive discourse in general. While identifying and comparing rhetorical strategies of the candidates in three debates, the question is asked whether the differences are personal or perhaps stem from the ideologies of the political movements represented by the contenders. The following stylistic and rhetorical features are described, using statistical and qualitative analysis: figurative expressions and intensifiers, irony and rhetorical questions, repetition and parallelism, meta‐discoursive comments.
The term ‘derivation’ denotes a process of linguistic creativity. It does not involve creating something out of nothing, rather of availing oneself of material already existing in the language in order to create new lexemes (i.e. new ‘lexical words’). Clearly, the lexicon is not enriched through derivation only; generally speaking, derivation is not involved when a word is borrowed from outside, i.e. from another language. The borrowed word enters the Hebrew lexicon as a moneme, so there is no creativity (or very little of it) involved in the borrowing process.
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