A FEW months ago, the Department of Education and Science in London published a very important document on the teaching of English. On the teaching of English, that is to say, in Britain (Kingman, 1988). I would like to invite you to consider to what extent -if any -this report has relevance for the teaching of English outside Britain: specifically, in countries such as Japan and Germany, Senegal and India -countries where English is not a native language.But first a word on the report in its own British context. Why did our Secretary of State, Mr Kenneth Baker, decide to set up a distinguished committee of inquiry on this subject? And distinguished it most certainly was: fifteen men and women comprising eminent writers like Antonia Byatt, P J Kavanagh, journalists like Keith Waterhouse, linguists like Henry Widdowson and Gillian Brown; educators like Brian Cox; and there was the broadcaster Robert Robinson, the Oxford professor of poetry Peter Levi, the research industrialist Charles Suckling, the whole committee presided over by the mathematician Sir John Kingman. They were brought together from their diverse fields because the Secretary of State and many others in Britain have been dissatisfied with the teaching of English in British schools: dissatisfied with what is taught, how it is taught, and the results of the teaching as they show in the capabilities of school leavers.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Sun, 15 Mar 2015 12:07:22 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsReviews 225 cessful, prestigious houses, both in New York City, both in social sciences, both commercial. His field observations are now, as well, ten to twelve years old. As a result, one has to be careful about his generalizations. One statement, amusing at best to the 75 or 80 university press publishers in America, suggests that trade publishing "may not be as lucrative as text or scholarly publishing" (35). He probably overemphasizes (as he and his colleagues Lewis Coser and Charles Kadushin did in their earlier study, Books: The Culture and Commerce of Publishing) "networking" and the "invisible college." Considering the number and variety of scholarly houses, I doubt that New York City is the center of scholarly publishing in the United States, though Powell maintains that "it is [his] impression that authors who teach in schools in the New York area have better chances of getting published than authors from top schools located in America's heartland" (183).Powell talked to a number of people in university press publishing where the editorial review and decision-making processes are generally quite different from those at Apple and Plum. Since editorial decision making is at the heart of his book, one wishes he had pointed out this difference (which significantly changes the editor's role) more prominently than in an end-note, where much interesting information and many other important qualifications are also hidden.Yet this is a fascinating study, carefully researched within the limits Powell sets for himself. When he examines "the question of how a very small number of individuals make choices of considerable consequence for the academic community" (35), Powell's answer is, with a few reservations, generally reassuring.
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