BackgroundMost western countries are experiencing greater pressure on community care services due to increased life expectancy and changes in policy toward prioritizing independent living. This has led to a demand for change and innovation in caring practices with an expected increased use of technology. Despite numerous attempts, it has proven surprisingly difficult to implement and adopt technological innovations. The main established technological innovation in home care services for older people is the personal emergency response system (PERS), which is widely adopted and used throughout most western countries aiming to support “aging safely in place.”ObjectiveThis integrative review examines how research literature describes use of the PERS focusing on the users’ perspective, thus exploring how different actors experience the technology in use and how it affects the complex interactions between multiple actors in caring practices.MethodsThe review presents an overview of the body of research on this well-established telecare solution, indicating what is important for different actors in regard to accepting and using this technology in community care services. An integrative review, recognized by a systematic search in major databases followed by a review process, was conducted.ResultsThe search resulted in 33 included studies describing different actors’ experiences with the PERS in use. The overall focus was on the end users’ experiences and the consequences of having and using the alarm, and how the technology changes caring practices and interactions between the actors.ConclusionsThe PERS contributes to safety and independent living for users of the alarm, but there are also unforeseen consequences and possible improvements in the device and the integrated service. This rather simple and well-established telecare technology in use interacts with the actors involved, creating changes in daily living and even affecting their identities. This review argues for an approach to telecare in which the complexity of practice is accounted for and shows how the plug-and-play expectations producers tend to generate is a simplification of the reality. This calls for a recognition that place and actors matter, as does a sensitivity to technology as an integrated part of complex caring practices.
BackgroundTechnological innovations are strongly promoted to meet the demands posed by increased pressure on home care services and to assist ageing in place in western societies. Although heavily advocated as plug and play solutions, technologies have proven difficult and unpredictable when integrated into home care services. We need greater insight into what happens when technologies are integrated into caring practices. All technologies come with expectations as to their function. This study explores how actors who are involved with the social alarm, which is an established technology innovation, relate to, perceive and articulate these expectations of the technology in everyday living.MethodsThe article presents results from a two-case study, using a triangulation of qualitative methods in order to gain an in-depth understanding of technology in use in home care services through “thick descriptions”. The study was conducted in Norway and data were analysed using a stepwise deductive-inductive analysis.ResultsThe empirical findings demonstrate that expectations regarding the social alarm, even though it represents a simple and well-established technology, are complex and multidimensional. The notion of script and domestication provided relevant tools for exploring these expectations and for understanding how actors interpret and adapt their practices of using the technology. This enabled a more comprehensive understanding of how technology opens up for different interpretations and puts values in play.ConclusionsThis article suggests exploring technology in use as scripted in multidimensional script, and offers a frame for doing so. It also reveals how technology scripts and articulation prove important for understanding the complex reality when integrated into home care practices, thus identifying how using the technology leads to the taming and unleashing of both technology and actors. The study offers an increased understanding of how and why technology is unpredictable and works differently in different contexts. Moreover, it stresses the importance of avoiding expectations of plug-and-play in a reality of complex interactions between different actors.
BackgroundDue to demographic changes with an aging population, there is a demand for technology innovations in care services. However, technology innovations have proven difficult to implement in regular use. To understand the complexity of technology innovations in care practices, we need a knowledge base of the complex and diverse experiences of people interacting with established technologies.ObjectiveThis paper addresses the research gap in relation to understanding the microcontext of co-production of care involving established technologies integrated into care practices. The paper also aims to provide a framework for exploring what really happens when different actors use technology in care practices.MethodsParticipant observations and 22 interviews with actors using social alarms were conducted employing the critical incident technique. A stepwise deductive-inductive analysis was then performed.ResultsThe results reveal how co-production of care assumes different meanings according to how actors use the technology. The results also show how technology innovation changes the dynamics between the actors and rearranges care practices. Independent and safe living is co-produced through performing bricolages and optimizing practice. Additionally, this opens up for unexpected results and bricolages as an integrated part of technology innovations.ConclusionsThis study illustrates how care services are always co-produced between the actors involved. By using aspects from science and technology studies, this paper provides a framework for exploring technology in use in care practices. The framework provides tools to unpack and articulate the process of co-producing services.
Background Welfare technologies are often described as a solution to the increasing pressure on primary health care services. However, despite initiating welfare technology projects in the health care sector and different government incentives, research indicates that it is difficult to integrate welfare technology innovations in a complex and varying setting, such as long-term care. Objective We aim to describe the types of welfare technology and the extent to which welfare technology is provided in long-term care (ie, nursing homes and home care services); examine whether the extent of welfare technology provision differs on the basis of municipal characteristics (ie, population size, centrality, the proportion of older inhabitants, and income); and identify how local governments (ie, municipalities) describe their efforts toward integrating welfare technologies in long-term care. Methods Quantitative and qualitative data about welfare technology from a larger cross-sectional survey about the provision of long-term care services in Norwegian municipalities were combined with registry data. Representatives of 422 Norwegian municipalities were invited to participate in the survey. Frequencies were used to describe the distribution of the types and extent of welfare technologies, whereas the Fisher exact test and Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance were used to determine the association between the extent of welfare technology and municipal characteristics. Free-form text data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Results A total of 277 municipalities were surveyed. Technology for safety was the most widespread type of welfare technology, whereas technology for social contact was the least prevalent. Two-thirds of the sample (183/277, 66.1%) in nursing home and (197/277, 71.1%) in home care services reported providing one or two different types of welfare technology. There was a statistically significant association between the extent of welfare technology and population size (in both nursing homes and home care services: P=.01), centrality (nursing homes: P=.01; home care services: P<.001), and municipal income (nursing homes: P=.02; home care services: P<.001). The extent of welfare technology was not associated with the proportion of older adults. The municipalities described being in a piloting phase and committing to future investment in welfare technology. Monetary resources were allocated, competency development among staff was initiated, and the municipalities were concerned about establishing collaborations within and between municipalities. Home care services seem to have a more person-centered approach in their efforts toward integrating welfare technologies, whereas nursing homes seem to have a more technology-centered approach. Conclusions Many municipalities provide welfare technologies; however, their extent is limited and varies according to municipal characteristics. Municipal practices still seem dominated by piloting, and welfare technologies are not fully integrated into long-term care services. Innovation with welfare technology appears top-down and is influenced by national policy but also reflects creating a window of opportunity through the organization of municipal efforts toward integrating welfare technology through, for example, collaborations and committing personnel and financial resources.
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