This study investigates the role of social identities in the context of international students’ transition to China. Sojourners usually confront perceived threats, including adjustment to life‐changes in a new society. The transition has a general capacity to disrupt the patterned behaviour of individuals that undermine their health and well‐being. Previous studies informed by the Social Identity Model of Identity Change demonstrate that group membership and associated social identities can buffer the adverse effects of transition. However, China's story concerning international students’ social identity change is not yet researched. To address this issue, in‐depth, semi‐structured interviews were conducted with sixty‐three international students. The results revealed that being disconnected from old social networks due to internet restriction leads to potential identity threats during early transition. However, new group memberships with co‐national and multinational peers, communication technologies and host‐culture adaptation enhanced sojourners’ well‐being and help to adapt to life‐changes in Chinese society.
BackgroundInternational students are often exposed to various challenges during life transitions. The ‘mindsponge’ mechanism suggests that individuals absorb and integrate new cultural values that are compatible with their core values while rejecting those of lesser importance. On the basis of this notion, this article explores the experiences of international students in China regarding their unplanned return to their home countries during the COVID-19 pandemic through the lens of the mindsponge mechanism.AimThis article aims to highlight the experiences of international students in China who are going through life transitions due to the global pandemic. The study focuses on the experiences of two groups of international students: (1) Those who remained in China during the pandemic, and (2) those who had left China and were stranded in their home countries due to a ban on international travel amid COVID-19.MethodThis qualitative study comprised of in-depth semi structured in-person and online interviews. Thematic Analysis was used to analyze the data in order to generate study themes.ResultsThe results revealed that students who remained in China experienced challenges which included anxiety, closure of campuses, lockdown, their parents’ concern regarding health issues, and not being able to meet with friends. On the other hand, students who had left China during the pandemic were confined to their home countries. This group of students experienced more severe problems than the students who remained in China. Since the transition to home countries was “unplanned,” they were not ready to readjust to their native culture and were vulnerable to severe reverse culture shock. Upon returning to their home countries, international students faced a number of challenges, including readjustment to their home countries and changes in their lives in host and home countries. In addition, they lost social and academic resources, such as the disruption of study environment, losing important group memberships, financial constraints, visa expiry, graduation delay, and academic suspension.ConclusionThis study concluded that the international students experienced cultural problems after unplanned transition to their home countries during the pandemic. They described effects of reverse culture shock as being more distressing. They perceived dissatisfaction due to loss of previously held social identities and sense of belonging to the traditional society they left behind. There is a need of future studies on the long-term effect of unplanned transition on psychological, social and professional experiences. The process of readjustment has proven to be a challenging endeavor.
This paper addresses India as an emerging robust nuclear power with its capability of delivering nuclear missiles from all the three major components of nuclear triad. It finds that India"s nuclear policy develops with considerable alacrity on its lust for power and was status driven. This paper also points out that India despite a non signatory of NPT and CTBT is declared as a responsible nuclear state and stands on a belief that it will not transit nuclear weapons and technology to other states. India"s nuclear doctrine rests on no-first use policy (NFU), second strike capability, sufficient, survivable and operationally prepared nuclear forces, a robust command and control system; effective intelligence and early warning capabilities; comprehensive planning and training for operations in line with strategy; and the requisite primary and alternate chain of command to employ nuclear forces and weapons. The veracity of India"s missiles strength is in range to target all areas both of Pakistan and China. India"s target of achieving the maximum electricity from nuclear energy is feasible through the NSG waiver. However, this will also help India to increase its nuclear arsenal in the coming years as non signatory of NPT and CTBT. This paper also addresses that the Indo-US civil nuclear deal is the land mark for the India"s ambition to move towards achieving the target of becoming mighty nuclear power in Asia. This deal will also validate India"s new position in world order based on its recent economic growth; and this deal will symbolize strengthened Indo-US bilateral relations. This paper highlights India"s persistence in nuclear relations with other countries to strengthening its ambition to achieve maximum power from nuclear energy. I.
This article presents an understanding of the nature of Vanniyar politics by delineating the workings of Vanniyar organizations such as the caste associations and the political party in the post-1980s period in Tamil Nadu. Even though scholarship on caste and politics is concerned with the relationship between caste associations and political parties, the interface and networking between and among these organizations, particularly of a political party that has emerged out of the caste movement, need much more attention. This article, therefore, maps the interrelations between the caste associations and the political party within the Vanniyars’ politics by outlining the specific issues on which these Vanniyar organizations work.
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