In the Dravidian languages reduplication of numerals and pronouns gives rise to distributive meanings. For example, in Telugu, as in Kannada, Tamil, and Malayalam, the other major Dravidian languages, reduplication of numerals gives rise to distributive readings. We find that the reduplicated numeral construction always gives rise to distributive readings. There are no collective readings of a reduplicated numeral construction. Additionally we observe that it gives rise to two further distributive interpretations that are not present in the non‐reduplicated construction. The main focus of this chapter is to explain the cause of the obligatory distributivity that is associated with the reduplicated numeral construction and to account for the various additional distributive readings that are possible in such constructions. This work is embedded in a larger project which examines the cross‐linguistic morpho‐syntax and semantics of reduplication, not restricted to numerals only, and its relation to plurality.
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