BackgroundDetermine the behavior of the maxillofacial trauma of adults treated in 3 tertiary care centers in the central zone of Chile.Material and MethodsDescriptive, cross-sectional, multicenter study, based on the prospective records of maxillofacial trauma cases attended between May 2016 and April 2017 by dental and maxillofacial clinical teams of Adult Emergency Units of hospitals Dr. Sótero del Río (metropolitan region), Carlos Van Buren and Dr. Gustavo Fricke (region V). Age, sex, date of occurrence, type of trauma according to ICD-10, etiology, legal medical prognosis and associated injuries were recorded, stratifying by sex and age. Chi square and unpaired Wilcoxon tests were used to compare by groups.Results2.485 cases and 3.285 injuries were investigated. The male: female ratio was 1.7: 1 with age under 30 predominant, followed by older adults. Variability was observed in the yearly, weekly and daily presentation. The highest frequencies were in January and September, weekends and at night. The main etiologies were violence (42.3%), falls (13.1%) and road traffic crashes (12.9%) with differences by age and sex (p<0.05). 31,9% of the injuries occurred in hard tissue, being fractures in nasal bones predominant (S02.2).ConclusionsThe profile of the maxillofacial trauma in Chile seems to be mixed by age, affecting young people and the elderly. The male sex predominates; the main cause, which varies by age group, is violence. Their surveillance is possible from hospital emergency records.
Key words:Maxillofacial trauma, emergency department, multicenter study.
Objectives: During an increasingly hostile social and political climate for ethnic-racial minorities, psychologists have begun to question the extent to which Indigenous People and People of Color (IPPOC) see one another as in the same boat (Rivas-Drake & Bañales, 2018). Consequently, the present mixed-methods study examines allyship as a potential politicized collective identity and its associations with ethnic identity, personality traits, and political engagement among IPPOC. Method: The present study was conducted across two samples in August 2016 (n = 256) and 2017 (n = 305). Participants were administered a questionnaire including measures of ally identity, ethnic identity, personality traits, and quantitative and qualitative measures of political engagement. Results: EFA and CFA findings suggest a two- factor solution for ally identity (ally beliefs and behaviors). For Sample 1, findings from the path analysis suggest 1) ethnic identity exploration predicts ally beliefs and behaviors (Model 1), 2) extraversion predicts ally behaviors, while agreeableness and neuroticism predicts ally beliefs (Model 2), and 3) ally beliefs and behaviors predict awareness, while ethnic identity exploration predicts involvement in political action (Model 3), even when personality traits are considered (Model 4). For Sample 2, findings were similar with some notable variations. Thematic analysis findings suggest IPPOC are politically engaged through social media, individual actions, protests, and civic engagement. Conclusions: There is no one pathway to sociopolitical engagement, as elements of ethnic and ally identity provide different paths to sociopolitical awareness and involvement, with ethnic identity exploration being a particularly powerful mechanism for allyship and sociopolitical action.
Social scientists have devoted much attention to explaining individual and contextual variation in religiosity. Among other things, research suggests that authoritarianism is reliably associated with greater religiosity, whereas education and human development are associated with less religiosity. In this study, we explore the possibility that the relationship between authoritarianism and various indices of religiosity may be stronger in the presence of greater educational attainment and living in a society with a higher level of human development, even though the latter two variables are often thought to reduce religiosity: Using two large cross-cultural datasets from the World Values Survey, we find evidence that authoritarianism is more strongly associated with religious involvement and practice among individuals at higher levels of education and individuals living in societies with higher level of human development. In doing so, we demonstrate that the connection between authoritarianism and religiosity is contingent on both individual-level and societal moderators.
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