In the 2010s, Hillary Clinton emerged as a central character not only in American political life but also in its imagined political scenarios. This article considers the centrality of Clinton as a model for women's legal and political empowerment in CBS drama The Good Wife (2009–16), arguing that the show's generic blend of the television procedural with melodrama and soap is key to both its normative portrayal of women in the corporate workplace and its positioning of Clinton as an aspirational figure for white liberal feminists. A similar tension is also central to Clinton's bid for the presidency in 2016, and this article dissects the ways in which Clinton's anticipated victory has provided a powerful but ultimately misleading “feminist” fantasy for many television shows of the last decade. A final section concludes this article with a brief analysis of The Good Wife's 2017 spin-off The Good Fight, to argue that this show pivots from a fantasy of women's empowerment to a much more interesting dystopic picture, tapping into the surrealism of the present moment to convey the difficulty of women's aspiration under a Trump administration in ways that more directly, if still imperfectly, tackle the failings of liberal feminism to account for racial and economic difference.
The use of 1-1 support in care homes within the healthcare system in England and Wales is a recognised protective safeguard. However, it is not without its controversies and conflicts as it can prove to be both a highly restrictive and expensive intervention. This paper will examine the use of 1-1 support within care homes for people who present with behaviours that challenge. It will record the findings from a review of 1-1 support for 23 service users over a 30-month period. It will also make a number of recommendations to make 1-1 support an effective, therapeutic, person centred and a correctly targeted resource.
This is a splendid book about one of the most remarkable episodes in modern British history. The central events, at least in outline, are familiar. During the night of 3-4 November 1839, several thousand workmen led by the foremost Welsh Chartist leader, John Frost, marched down from the valleys of the South Wales coalfield into the town of Newport. When an armed column reached the Westgate Hotel, where the local authorities had established their headquarters, there was a gun battle lasting perhaps twenty-five minutes. Over twenty Chartists were killed and over fifty wounded. Although the Newport Rising is one of the landmarks of nineteenth-century British history it has remained a mysterious event. Quite different accounts of even those central events appear in general works, and die assessments by historians of the aims and nature of the Chartist action have been rather tentative and frequently contradictory. In this very solidly researched and well-organized book, David Jones provides an authoritative account of the events at Newport. But more importantly he sets them in the context of developments in the new industrial society of South Wales, and in the first Chartist campaign of 1838-9. He reveals very clearly that those events at the Westgate, although ultimately crucial to the whole story, were only the wellknown tip of a lesser known iceberg. For what was being attempted by those Welsh Chartists was a genuinely insurrectionary move, a very widely supported attempt to mount a regional revolt intended to precipitate a national uprising. David Jones pays generous tribute to the pioneering work of Professor David Williams on John Frost, but fully demonstrates the utter inadequacy of Williams's judgment that the 'Newport riot' arose out of what was merely 'intended as a monster demonstration'. The study by Ivor Wilks, South Wales and the Rising of 1839 (Chicago, 1984), which appeared just before Jones's book, has also provided a detailed account based upon wide research. However Wilks, who is openly partisan in his approach, runs beyond his evidence in imputing a strongly Welsh nationalist character to a movement he sees as aiming at the 'creation of a workers' republic'. Jones is more hesitant in his assessments, but that is a more realistic response to the difficult and often contradictory nature of the evidence. For much of it has survived in the heavily slanted form of cases for the prosecution and defence in a treason trial, and is about events shrouded in secrecy. Jones has provided a more rounded and ultimately plausible interpretation, which still conveys the seriousness, scale and ambition of the rising. Both studies correctly emphasize the crucial importance of the effects of the very rapid industrialization of South Wales in conditioning class attitudes and forms of action, including ultimately the rising itself. Jones, in a wide survey, describes how a resilient working-class solidarity was forged around the informal networks of family, chapel, pub and neighbourhood, and increasingly in formal orga...
This article examines the gendered experience of labour in the North American university to theorize its implications for the production of autobiographical writing. Drawing on the work of Dodie Bellamy, Roxane Gay and Heidi Julavits, I make a specifically feminist argument about time, precarity and value in academia, arguing that the job of writing creatively in the academy is complicated by the invisibilization of education and administration as well as the preponderance of women and minorities in non-permanent and therefore precarious academic roles. The authors discussed in this article all play with supposedly marginal literary forms like the diary, personal essay or blog to trouble the institutional overvaluing of canonical work and destabilize what Sarah Sharma calls a ‘patriarchal temporality’ that designates their work and lives as marginal. With a particular focus on Bellamy, who documents her repeated denial of tenure in personal and often sexually explicit writing, I want to interrogate the peculiar circularity of narrating experiences of overwork, insecurity and discrimination in the body of a text that might be read by current or future employers, as women translate their personal and leisure time into new forms of workplace productivity and commit further areas of their life to the university without the promise of liberation from or reform of its oppressive structures.
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