This study investigates articulatory characteristics of /s, z, S, tS, dZ/ in disyllabic nonsense words of the form [biCib], [buCub] and [baCab], where C represents the consonants listed above. The words were produced in a carrier sentence. Using the technique of electropalatography, quantitative and qualitative data were obtained from a speaker of Hindi. The results showed that the area of tongue-palate contact was significantly greater for the voiced fricative [z] than for the voiceless fricative [s]. In affricates, however, the contact area was significantly greater for the stop part of the voiceless affricate [tS] than for the stop part of the voiced affricate [dZ]. On the other hand, the area of contact for the fricative part of [tS] and [dZ] and the fricative [S] was about the same. The area of contact for [s] and [z] was also significantly greater than for [S] and the fricative part of [tS] and [dZ]. The place of articulation for [S] was significantly more posterior than for [s] and [z]. The place of articulation for the stop and fricative parts of [tS] and [dZ] partly overlapped, but did not coincide. The width of the groove for [S] and the fricative part of [tS] and [dZ] was significantly greater than for [s] and [z]; however, the length of the groove for these segments was about the same. Numerical and electropalatographic data are presented and discussed in the light of the published numerical, palatographic and/or x-ray data on the fricatives and affricates. Coarticulatory effects of vocalic context on articulatory parameters of the investigated consonants are also discussed.
Peak magnitudes of supraglottal air pressure, under a variety of conditions, were obtained during stop productions from three normal adult speakers of Hindi. The stops were produced in CVCVC nonsense utterances which were embedded in the carrier phrase, “ye—hae.” Significant differences in peak magnitudes were found as a function of the place of articulation of a stop and its position in an utterance. Peak magnitudes were always significantly higher for unvoiced stops than for voiced stops. Aspirated stops, in general, showed higher peak magnitudes than unaspirated stops, but a significant level of difference in peak magnitudes was reached only under voiced conditions. Differences in peak magnitudes as a function of stress were significant under voiced conditions; under unvoiced conditions the differences were less pronounced.
Palatoglossus EMG potentials and voice were recorded while a native speaker of Hindi produced CVC nonsense utterances where C was /s/ and V was one of the vowels /iιeɛəɑɔoɷu,ĩι̃ẽɛ̃ə̃ɑ̃õñɷ̃Ũ/. Preliminary results show low levels of EMG activity for the front oral vowels, whereas for the central and back oral vowels the EMG activity is considerable. All nasal vowels exhibit a high level of EMG activity, except /ẽ, ɛ̃/ for which the EMG activity is minimal. EMG levels for the central and back nasal vowels are considerably higher than those for the front nasal vowels. EMB levels for the nasal vowels /õ, ñ, ɷ̃, Ũ/ are comparable to those for the oral vowels /ɔ, o, ɷ, u/, respectively. However, the EMG levels for the nasal vowels /ĩ, ι̃, ə̃, ã/ are considerably greater than for the comparable oral vowels /i, ι, ə, ɑ/. Furthermore, the patterns of EMG potentials for the long vowels differ from those for the short vowels irrespective of their being oral or nasal. [Work supported by NIH Grant NS-13617 and BRS Grant PR-05596 to Haskins Laboratories.]
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