Attitudes toward one's own aging and self-esteem are crucial variables in predicting older adults' physical and mental health and can significantly affect their will to live, cognitive judgement and acceptance of medical treatment. However, little is known about the relation between the implicit attitude toward one's own aging and implicit self-esteem. This research explored consistencies between implicit and explicit attitudes toward one's own aging and between implicit and explicit self-esteem and explored their relations in 70 older adults aged 60–91 years old using the word and picture versions of the Implicit Association Test and standardized scales. The results showed that (a) the explicit and implicit attitudes toward one's own aging represented independent structures, and the implicit and explicit self-esteem also represented independent structures; (b) subjects generally showed positive explicit attitudes toward their own aging and negative implicit attitudes toward their own aging while also showing high explicit self-esteem and relatively low implicit self-esteem; (c) subjects' implicit attitudes toward their own aging and implicit self-esteem were positively correlated, and explicit attitudes toward their own aging and explicit self-esteem were also positively correlated. The more positive the subjects' explicit attitudes toward their own aging, the higher their explicit self-esteem levels were. The more negative their implicit attitudes toward their own aging, the higher their implicit self-esteem levels were. We concluded that older adults' explicit and implicit attitudes toward their own aging and self-esteem are independent structures; older adults' explicit and implicit attitudes toward their own aging have predictive effects on their explicit and implicit self-esteem in different directions, respectively.
Previous research has demonstrated that individuals present increased risk taking at the end of a series of gambles, a phenomenon called the ending effect. By using a large online football gambling data, we attempted to replicate the ending effect and tested the existence of a different pattern of increased risk taking at the ending. The results showed that at the end of a series of football gambles, bettors would take more risks, and options with lower risk would be preferred. In games without the interference of local bettors, the ending effect was found to be stronger than that of games with local bettors. Overall, the results provide evidence for the bounded ending effect. Possible underlying mechanisms of the bounded ending effect are explored.
The ending effect describes the phenomenon that at the end of a series of repeated risky decision-making tasks, participants become more likely to engage in risk-taking behavior. Past research has suggested that the ending effect might be caused by a motivational shift induced by changes in time perception. Previous studies mainly tested this phenomenon in a binary decision-making setting (e.g., a decision-making task usually includes two alternatives). However, none of these prior studies included safe options and risky options that differed in risk levels. To address this knowledge gap, the present study replicated the ending effect in a repeated decision-making task that included both a safe option and risky options that differed in risk levels (N = 104). We found that at the end of the decision-making task, participants became more likely to engage in risk-taking and to favor the option with the highest risk. Further, we found that the investment likelihood and investment amount of high-risk options both increased significantly at the ending. In addition, a shift in favoring the safe option emerged in the noninformed condition at the end. We also found that the emotional motivation in the last round could predict the increased preference for high-risk at the ending. This study extended previous findings on the ending effect by adopting a more complex decision-making scenario and, more broadly, helped further our understanding of the psychological consequences of perceived endings.
absorptive capacity is an important part of strategic management, which is used to explain various organizational phenomena.Absorptive capacity refers to the ability of an enterprise to identify and analyze external information and knowledge by combining its existing knowledge with research and development efforts, and to use and transform it into its own innovation output.In this paper, the related concepts and literature at home and abroad are reviewed and summarized to further expand the research on absorption capacity.
Recent studies have found that face masks affect social cognition and behaviour in the context of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. The eyes, the only part of the face not covered by face masks, are an important spatial attention cue that can trigger social attention orienting. Here, we adopted a spatial gaze-cueing task to investigate whether face masks affect social attention orienting triggered by eye gaze cues. In Experiment 1, participants were asked to determine the orientation of a target line under two types of cues—masked and non-masked faces—and two stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) conditions (300 ms and 1000 ms). The results showed that masked faces induced a smaller gaze-cueing effect (GCE) compared to non-masked faces at 300 ms SOA, while two face types induced similar GCEs at 1000 ms SOA. Experiment 2 used mouth-obscured faces and non-masked faces as cues and found that no significant difference in GCE between the two types at either 300 ms or 1000 ms SOA, indicating that the reduction of GCE caused by the masked face was due to the social meaning expressed by the mask rather than a physical effect of masking. The present study extends previous findings to support the idea that high-level social information affects the processing of eye gaze direction and provides evidence that face masks affect social cognition and behaviour in the context of COVID-19.
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