This paper employs racial capitalism as a framework for understanding the urban process. The purpose of this paper is two-fold: (1) to center the racial character of the urban process within a broader political economy of racial capitalism and (2) to position capitalism and racism as mutually dependent systems of exploitation. The paper begins by discussing the omission of race and racism within urbanization processes. Here, the work of David Harvey is critiqued in order to highlight not only the contradictions of capitalism, but also those of Marxist scholars in understanding urban development. The paper then discusses the forms of racial capitalism through modalities of dispossession and displacement, the agents engaged in this process, and the competing ideologies that structure the urban political economy, particularly in the U.S. The paper ends with suggestions for future research to consider the constitutive nature of capitalism and racism in producing urbanization processes.To live under capitalism is to accept or submit to that bundle of rights necessary for endless capital accumulation. -David Harvey (2003b, p. 940) It's impossible for a White person to believe in capitalism and not believe in racism. You can't have capitalism without racism. -Malcolm X (1964)
This article discusses the findings from a study on neighborhood satisfaction conducted within the North Camden neighborhood context. Using data from the 2011 North Camden Resident Satisfaction Survey, the study examined the subjective measures of neighborhood-level characteristics to identify the determinants of neighborhood satisfaction. A binary logistic regression analysis revealed that the quality of social networks, neighborhood physical conditions, neighborhood safety, and quality of public services are positively associated with neighborhood satisfaction. Surprisingly, the analysis showed that the extent of social networks and access to transportation have an inverse relationship with the satisfaction of residents with their neighborhood. The article discusses these findings and the way in which the results can inform practitioners about policies and programs that need to be developed and implemented to improve neighborhood satisfaction and, ultimately, individual and community well-being.
Civil unrests around the world resulting from the recent murders of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd by the police have revived the movement to center Black lives in the fight for racial justice. For these souls, and so many others, their deaths highlight the enduring legacy of racism and white supremacy. Families mourn the reality that their loved ones won't come home. Family barbeques and Sunday dinners feel incomplete. Birthdays now serve as a recurring memorial for the sharing of memories. As institutions and organizations release a number of statements condemning these acts, many are calling for substantial changes including reparations. While scholars continue to conceptualize race and ethnicity as critical analytical, theoretical, and political categories (Robinson 2016), it is important to understand how racism structures the livelihoods of Black people, even within their own homes. As protests continue around the globe, organizations like the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) have mobilized millions calling for
The early outbreak of coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID)-19 became associated with various ‘hot spots’ in the USA, particularly in large cities. However, despite the widespread nature of the outbreak, much of what is known about the virus’ impact and clusters is understood either for individuals, or at the state level. This paper assesses the predictors of outbreaks at the neighborhood level. Using data from the Louisiana Department of Health, we use spatial regression models to analyze the case count through 3 May 2020 and its relationship to individual and geographic neighborhood characteristics at the census tract level. We find a particularly strong and large correlation between race and COVID-19 cases, robust to model specification and spatial autocorrelation. In addition, neighborhoods with lower rates of poverty and those with fewer residents over 70 have fewer cases. Policy makers should adjust testing strategies to better service the hardest hit populations, particularly minorities and the elderly. In addition, the results are greater evidence of the impact of systemic issues on health, which require a long-term strategy for redress.
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