Leading theories of power in exchange networks make assumptions about actors' reactions to being included in or excluded from exchanges. These assumptions, that actors consistently included increase their demands oni others and that actors consistently excluded decrease their demands, provide the behavioral mechanism by which structural differences in position convert into power advantages or disadvantages. We test these assumptions with data gathered by experiment from five differenit networks. We find that while actors generally respond as assumed, the parameters of response to inclusioni and to exclusion are not symmetric, depend oni the level of experience of the subjects, and initeract both with type of nietwork (strong power versus weak power) anid with nietwork position.Exchange network research focuses on earnings differentials that emer e when actors embedded in a network negotiate exchanges with one another. In this research, earnings differentials indicate the exercise of power. Actors who systematically earn more in their exchanges with others exercise power over actors who systematically earn less. The degree of power advantage differs in different types of networks. In "strong power" networks, earnings favor advantaged actors to an extreme degree: they appropriate 90 percent or more of the available resources leaving 10 percent or less to the disadvantaged actors. In "weak power" networks, earnings per exchange favor advantaged actors to a moderate degree: they typically appropriate about 60 to 75 percent of available resources (Markovsky, Skvoretz, Willer, Lovaglia, and Erger 1993).As Skvoretz and Willer (1993) discuss, recent theories in this research area emphasize how power differences between actors are determined in part by
This article outlines a theoretical system of extended stratification in order to account for differences between immigrants and natives in (1) the amount of time individuals devote to paid work and (2) the number of family members participating in paid work. The basic argument is that immigrants with a frame of reference that includes being socialized in a relatively poor sending society tend to have greater work incentive than natives who have been socialized in a richer host society. This variation in work incentive obtains because the economic rewards achieved through additional work are evaluated more highly by groups that have as their frame of reference a comparatively poor society. According to this argument, the intergroup difference in work incentive should obtain even when economic need is held constant. We derived two hypotheses and tested them with a comparative analysis of immigrants and natives, including native coethnics of the immigrants. At the level of the individual and of the household, the findings are largely consistent with the hypotheses.
Based on a quantitative study of students at a midsize public university in the Southeast and informed by Astin's input-environment-outcome model, this article explores how the transition experiences of Black students differed from those of White students. Black students relied more on guidance counselors in high school and orientation programs in college. Although the academic ethic was strongly related to grade point average (GPA) and a substantially larger proportion of Black females had a strong academic ethic, their GPAs were not different from those of Black males and were significantly lower than those of both White females and White males. The analysis found an inflated perception of the amount of help parents provided in the transition.
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