National, longitudinal surveys from Great Britain and the United States were used to investigate the effects of divorce on children. In both studies, a subsample of children who were in two-parent families during the initial interview (at age 7 in the British data and at ages 7 to 11 in the U.S. data) were followed through the next interview (at age 11 and ages 11 to 16, respectively). At both time points in the British data, parents and teachers independently rated the children's behavior problems, and the children were given reading and mathematics achievement tests. At both time points in the U.S. data, parents rated the children's behavior problems. Children whose parents divorced or separated between the two time points were compared to children whose families remained intact. For boys, the apparent effect of separation or divorce on behavior problems and achievement at the later time point was sharply reduced by considering behavior problems, achievement levels, and family difficulties that were present at the earlier time point, before any of the families had broken up. For girls, the reduction in the apparent effect of divorce occurred to a lesser but still noticeable extent once preexisting conditions were considered.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Review of Economics and Statistics.Abstract-The child care industry has expanded rapidly in recent years as a result of growing labor force participation by mothers of young children. Much, but not all, of the child care is being provided through the market. In this paper, a model of family labor supply incorporating both market and nonmarket child care is specified and estimated. The empirical analysis is performed using data from the 1980 baseline household survey of the Employment Opportunity Pilot Projects. The results suggest that both the decision to become employed and the decision to purchase market child care are sensitive to child-care costs. The estimated price elasticity with respect to employment is -0.38 while the estimated price elasticity with respect to market care is -0.34. see Kamerman (1983), and U.S. Bureau of the Census (1982, 1987). 2According to Kahn and Kamerman (1987), federal spending for child care totaled $5.5 billion in 1986, $3.4 billion of which (62%) was for the child care tax credit under the federal income tax. For a description of the major federal child-care programs, see Robins (1988).3 Heckman incorporated such considerations in his model but in an indirect way since he lacked data on the market price of child care and (apparently) the labor supply of household members other than the mother. His empirical results provide indirect evidence that the labor supply of mothers of young children is sensitive to the price of market child care and the availability of informal care.

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A sample of labor-market and birth histories is used to estimate the effects of child-care costs on employment and fertility decisions. A reduced-form empirical analysis is performed, which is based on hazard functions for transitions among various fertility--employment states. Higher child-care costs result in a lower birth rate for nonemployed women but not for employed women. Higher child-care costs also lead to an increase in the rate of leaving employment and a reduction in the rate of entering employment. The results suggest that potential behavioral effects of child-care subsidies could be significant and should be taken into account when alternative child-care policies are being debated.

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Impact of the Mexican Program for Education, Health, and Nutrition (Progresa) on rates of growth and anemia in infants and young children: A randomized effectiveness study.

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