We explore the local negotiation of regulatory practice at the UK Stem Cell Bank, the first Bank of its type in the world. Basing our empirical work on a detailed analysis of one aspect of the Bank's regulatory commitment--the completion of the Cell Line Information form--we make visible the necessary judgements and labour involved in interpreting and operationalizing externally imposed regulation. The discussion opens by detailing the problems encountered when the Bank completes the form: reconciling a bureaucratic system of accountability with craft-like laboratory skills involving multiple kinds of tacit knowledge. We follow this by explicating the emergent 'bridging strategies' pursued by the Bank to address these issues, highlighting their reliance upon the formation of trust and social networks. The closing discussion emphasizes the contingent assembly of regulatory practices that emerge in the local setting.
There is considerable uncertainty about the implications of the new genetics for health services. These are the enthusiasts who argue that molecular genetics will transform health care and others argue that the scope for genetic interventions is limited. The aim of this paper is to examine some of the questions, tensions and difficulties which face health care providers particularly in developed countries as they try to come to terms with the dilemmas raised by new genetic health care technologies (NGHTs). It identifies questions for research which may help the development of robust and flexible strategies for implementation.
The UK and Spanish Stem Cell Banks hold politically controversial-but potentially therapeutically beneficial-human embryonic stem cells for distribution to research laboratories globally. The UK bank was the first of its type in the world, opening in 2004, and the Spanish bank used it as a role model in its own development. Both banks structure their operations in response to how their staffs imagine the publics in their nation make trust judgements about their work. Differences between the workings of each bank can be traced to differences in the collective imaginings operating at each bank-termed 'institutional imaginaries'-about how publics think. The UK bank sustains an imaginary in which distance lends legitimacy and disengagement signifies correct moral practice. It conjures a public that values a steady, safe and reliable institution-free from potential conflict of interest-about which the less news the better. This stands in contrast to the Spanish bank that conjures a public that retains an interest in legitimate, ethical guardianship of stem cell material, but which is less worried about conflict of interest in attaining this. Instead, for the Spanish institution, engagement with science and the media through the projection of the bank as cutting edge is deemed crucial for maintaining public support.
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