Accounts of prison life consistently describe a culture of mutual mistrust, fear, aggression and barely submerged violence. Often too, they explain how prisoners adapt to this environment—in men’s prisons, at least—by putting on emotional ‘masks’ or ‘fronts’ of masculine bravado which hide their vulnerabilities and deter the aggression of their peers. This article does not contest the truth of such descriptions, but argues that they provide a partial account of the prison’s emotional world. Most importantly, for current purposes, they fail to describe the way in which prisons have a distinctive kind of emotional geography, with zones in which certain kinds of emotional feelings and displays are more or less acceptable. In this article, we argue that these ‘emotion zones’, which cannot be characterized either as ‘frontstage’ or ‘backstage’ domains, enable the display of a wider range of feelings than elsewhere in the prison. Their existence represents a challenge to depictions of prisons as environments that are unwaveringly sterile, unfailingly aggressive or emotionally undifferentiated

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The field of environmental enrichment for zoo animals, particularly great apes, has been revived by technological advancements such as touchscreen interfaces and motion sensors. However, direct animal-computer interaction (ACI) is impractical or undesirable for many zoos. We developed a modular cuboid puzzle maze for the troop of six Western lowland gorillas ( Gorilla gorilla gorilla ) at Bristol Zoo Gardens, United Kingdom. The gorillas could use their fingers or tools to interact with interconnected modules and remove food rewards. Twelve modules could be interchanged within the frame to create novel iterations with every trial. We took a screen-free approach to enrichment: substituting ACI for tactile, physically complex device components, in addition to hidden automatic sensors, and cameras to log device use. The current study evaluated the gorillas’ behavioral responses to the device, and evaluated it as a form of “cognitive enrichment.” Five out of six gorillas used the device, during monthly trials of 1 h duration, over a 6 month period. All users were female including two infants, and there were significant individual differences in duration of device use. The successful extraction of food rewards was only performed by the three tool-using gorillas. Device use did not diminish over time, and gorillas took turns to use the device alone or as one mother-infant dyad. Our results suggest that the device was a form of cognitive enrichment for the study troop because it allowed gorillas to solve novel challenges, and device use was not associated with behavioral indicators of stress or frustration. However, device exposure had no significant effects on gorilla activity budgets. The device has the potential to be a sustainable enrichment method in the long-term, tailored to individual gorilla skill levels and motivations. Our study represents a technological advancement for gorilla enrichment, an area which had been particularly overlooked until now. We wholly encourage the continued development of this physical maze system for other great apes under human care, with or without computer logging technology.

Presented are findings from research using expectancy value and normative belief measures to predict physician drug brand preference and purchases. Physician prescribing using group depth interviews, attitude instruments, and prescribing panel data were used to test the Fishbein behavioral intentions model. Extensions to the model are presented for marketing applications.

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Previous research that has evaluated the accuracy of facial composites has reported low identification rates. Two studies are reported here that consider whether showing more than one composite of the same suspect might improve the rate of identification. Sixteen participant-witnesses saw one of two staged events, each involving a different unfamiliar target. Each participant-witness worked with a police operator to construct a composite of the target they had seen. One, four or eight composites depicting the same target were then shown to individuals familiar with the target. Overall, the results showed that presenting more than one composite increased the rate of identification. In addition, the results of Study 2 suggest that if the police must select just one composite from a number produced by witnesses, then a promising method might be to choose the one which bears most similarity to the other composites in the set.A facial composite is an image, constructed by an eyewitness working with a police operator, which represents a 'type-likeness' of the perpetrator and is regarded as a 'visual statement'. Rather than act as identification evidence per se, composites are employed by the police to generate possible suspects. These suspects can then be investigated further and charged or eliminated from the enquiry, based on other evidence. Many composites are shown to the public in the hope that someone familiar with the perpetrator will identify the person depicted and provide the police with a name and hence a lead.Empirical research has typically found that the composite images produced by mock witnesses after seeing a target face (either live or in a photograph) bear little resemblance to the target. The resulting images may be of poor quality for a number of different reasons including: limitations of the composite system; the skill of the composite operator; and the difficult task that the witnesses undertake in recalling and verbally describing the target's face.Earlier systems, such as Identikit and PhotoFIT, were shown to have serious limitations (e.g. Ellis, Davies, & Shepherd, 1978;Laughery & Fowler, 1980), which were attributed to limited feature databases and the use of a feature-based, piecemeal construction technique