GUYA ACCORNERO and PEDRO RAMOS PINTOAnti-austerity mobilisations in Southern Europe since 2010 have been widely debated in recent times. Commentators have emphasised the emergence of new political subjects such as the 'precariat' organised into loose, IT-connected movements. To what extent do these portrayals reflect the underlying dynamics of this protest cycle, and how do these movements interact with traditional political actors? Using Portugal as a case study, this article maps the cycle of anti-austerity contention between 2010 and 2013 to reveal a more complex picture, where traditional actors, including labour unions and left-wing political parties, emerge as key actors, facilitating and sustaining the discontinuous mobilisation of new forms of activism, while seeking to gain access to new constituencies through them.

Given the importance of public opinion for policy formation and the salience of inequality as a political issue, little attention has been given to the public's views about the desirability of equality, not only in health but also in economics and politics. We report the results of an on-line survey of attitudes to equality carried out in late 2016 in Great Britain (N=1667 with a response rate of 35-50%) across these different domains. The survey allowed for testing whether public opinion is sensitive to different conceptions of equality across two other variables: absolute versus relative (everyone should have the same versus inequality should be reduced) and bivariate versus univariate (inequality in one domain, e.g. health, is judged in relation to inequality in another (e.g. income) versus inequality in a domain is judged independently of other domains). It also allowed us to see, across those conceptions, the extent to which support for equality in one domain overlaps with support for equality in another domain.We find that for health, economic and political equality a relative conception of equality generally attracts more support than an absolute conception, and that for health and political equality a bivariate conception attracts more support than a univariate conception. We also find that conceptions of equality affect how much overlap exists between support for equality across different domains, with a bivariate and relative conception resulting in much more overlap than a *Revised manuscript (clean) EXCLUDING AUTHOR DETAILS Click here to view linked References

This article examines the impact of the urban social movement active in Lisbon on the Portuguese transition to democracy (1974–6). Academic and public discourse over the last three decades has tended to characterize the movement either as an embryonic form of a participatory society, or an illusion created by the manipulation of a minority of activists. Conversely, this article argues that the movement was largely autonomous and powerful enough to win valuable concessions for the urban poor, in the context of increasing competition between political elites, although more moderate than many have assumed. As the contending political forces fought for supremacy, the urban movement became a coveted ally and potential source of legitimacy. With the political arena becoming increasingly polarized during the course of 1975, movement supporters were faced with a stark alternative between revolution and moderation. It is suggested that their choices were instrumental in making the victory of the moderates possible, revealing the contradiction between the street and the ballot box as a false dichotomy.

This article investigates the origins of modern citizenship in Portugal through the example of the historical construction of housing as a social right. It argues this process owes much to the centralisation and strengthening of the state undertaken by Salazar's ‘New State’ (1933–74), whose transformative project changed the nature of the relationship between the governing and the governed, making political claims based on social rights plausible. The ensuing political dynamic changed the nature of the social contract in Portugal, tying the legitimacy of the state to the provision of social rights, a factor which eventually contributed to the dictatorship's demise.

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