The past six decades have witnessed acceleration in both the number and variety of major administrative reform statutes enacted by Congress. This increase can be explained partly by the increased involvement of Congress, a parallel decrease in activity and resistance by the presidency, and heightened public distrust toward government. At least part of the variation in the tides or philosophies of reform involves a “field of dreams” effect in which the creation of new governmental structure during the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s generated increased interest in process reforms. However, part of the acceleration and variety of reform appears to be related to the lack of hard evidence of what actually works in improving government performance. Measured by federal employees’ perceptions of organizational performance, what matters most is not whether organizations were reformed in the past, but whether organizations need reform in the future and can provide essential resources for achieving their mission.
Original studies of leadership have characteristically been European and British, both in their theoretical base and, to a lesser extent, methodology. Yet most of the actual work in this area now is carried out in the United States, often by political scientists whose prime concern is operational or quantitative, rather than anecdotal or ideological (idological?) at least by intent.Traditional European notions of leadership remain among the standard repertoire of both the rhetoretician and the intelligent layman, and are barely under the surface of the professional's polished formalisms. Indeed, Max Weber's distinctions, e.g., of the 'charismatic' mode, are alive and well on both sides of the Atlantic. Recognized or not, American scientists continue to be consumers of these very ideas, as Europeans and others continue to be consumers of American methodology in social psychology. Moreover, many cultures now find themselves in far-reaching interactions with the American system in general, and frequently as 'consumers' of ramifications of actions initiated by the U.S. executive branch. Perhaps there is ample reason right there why the international student of social behavior might explore the perceptions held -both in America and elsewhereabout the adequacy of that special category of leadership. This note summarizes segments of an investigation where a specific cross-cultural component would be informative, and which might also suggest a format for studying the elusive phenomenon of charisma and 'greatness' in different social environments.In several widely quoted surveys between 1948 and 1968 historians and others attempted to judge presidential greatness, prestige, idealism, etc. (Schlesinger, 1962;Maranell, 1970). In the interest of recency and methodology it is useful to focus on a study by the latter, who had his 571 respondents rate 33 presidents' from G.
Chapter 2 provides detailed estimates of the total number of employees who work within the government-industrial complex. The estimates show the changing distribution of federal, contract, and grant employees between 1984 and 2015: the total government-industrial headcount held steady from 1984 to 1995, dropped sharply from 1995 to 1999, and accelerated to a forty-year high in 2010 before falling sharply by 2015 and holding steady in 2017. These patterns form the basis for detailed histories of the five administrations in office during the period and ends with an early snapshot of the Trump administration’s policy. The history compares inaugural promises with the eventual effects of each administration. The chapter also examines the key decisions that produced the rise, fall, rise, and then fall again in the true size of the government-industrial complex. The chapter ends with a history and assessment of the major personnel caps, cuts, and ceilings used to constrain federal employment between 1940 and 2017. This section ends with a discussion of the impacts of each action.
Children who fail spatial perspective-taking tasks of the "3 mountains" variety apparently preferentially select pictures showing their own view. It has been suggested that this might arise, at least in part, because children in such tasks have been given particularly good views of the arrays. To test this, an experiment was conducted with 40 4-6-year-olds in which children were tested from both "good" and "poor" viewing positions. As hypothesized, children did not show any bias toward their own view when it was a poor one. However, when they themselves had a good view of the objects, they chose their own rather than another equally good view. Thus, 2 selection principles appear to operate hierarchically, selection of good view having priority over selection of own view.
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