BackgroundUnmet need for family planning has implications for women and their families, such as unsafe abortion, physical abuse, and poor maternal health. Contraceptive knowledge has increased across low-income settings, yet unmet need remains high with little information on the factors explaining it. This study assessed factors associated with unmet need among pregnant women in rural Burkina Faso.MethodWe collected data on pregnant women through a population-based survey conducted in 24 rural districts between October 2013 and March 2014. Multivariate multilevel logistic regression was used to assess the association between unmet need for family planning and a selection of relevant demand- and supply-side factors.ResultsOf the 1309 pregnant women covered in the survey, 239 (18.26%) reported experiencing unmet need for family planning. Pregnant women with more than three living children [OR = 1.80; 95% CI (1.11–2.91)], those with a child younger than 1 year [OR = 1.75; 95% CI (1.04–2.97)], pregnant women whose partners disapproves contraceptive use [OR = 1.51; 95% CI (1.03–2.21)] and women who desired fewer children compared to their partners preferred number of children [OR = 1.907; 95% CI (1.361–2.672)] were significantly more likely to experience unmet need for family planning, while health staff training in family planning logistics management (OR = 0.46; 95% CI (0.24–0.73)] was associated with a lower probability of experiencing unmet need for family planning.ConclusionFindings suggest the need to strengthen family planning interventions in Burkina Faso to ensure greater uptake of contraceptive use and thus reduce unmet need for family planning.

BackgroundBurkina Faso, like many low and middle income countries, has been taking a range of actions to address its poor maternal and neonatal health indicators. In 2006 the government introduced an innovative national subsidy scheme for deliveries and emergency obstetric care in public facilities. This article reports on a complex evaluation of this policy, carried out 5 years after its introduction, which examined its effects on utilisation, quality of care, equity and the health system as a whole, as well as its cost and sustainability.MethodsThe evaluation was carried out in six purposively selected districts, as well as at national level, using a case study approach. Data sources included: national and district routine and survey data, household interviews with women who had recently given birth, data extraction from hospital and medical records, and key informant and health worker interviews.ResultsThe underlying secular trend of a 1 % annual increase in the facility-based delivery rate (1988–2010) was augmented by an additional 4 % annual increase from 2007 onwards (after the policy was introduced), especially in rural areas and amongst women from poor households. The absence of baseline quality of care data made it difficult to assess the impact of the policy on quality of care, but hospitals with the best level of implementation of the subsidy offered higher quality of care (as measured by health care near-misses), so there is no evidence of a negative impact on quality (as is often feared). Similarly, there is little evidence of unintended negative effects on untargeted services. Household payments for facility-based deliveries have reduced significantly, compared with payments before the policy, and the policy as a whole is affordable, costing about 2 % of total public health expenditure.Concerns include that the amounts paid by households are higher than the rates set by the policy, and also that 7 % of households still say that they cannot afford to pay. Wealthier women have higher utilisation of services, as before, and the policy of fully exempting indigents is not being put into practice.ConclusionsThese findings highlight the importance of maintaining the subsidy policy, given the evidence of positive outcomes, but they also point out areas where attention is needed to ensure the poor and most vulnerable population benefit fully from the policy.

This study investigates the long term economic impact of severe obstetric complications for women and their children in Burkina Faso, focusing on measures of food security, expenditures and related quality of life measures. It uses a hospital based cohort, first visited in 2004/2005 and followed up four years later. This cohort of 1014 women consisted of two main groups of comparison: 677 women who had an uncomplicated delivery and 337 women who experienced a severe obstetric complication which would have almost certainly caused death had they not received hospital care (labelled a “near miss” event). To analyze the impact of such near miss events as well as the possible interaction with the pregnancy outcome, we compared household and individual level indicators between women without a near miss event and women with a near miss event who either had a live birth, a perinatal death or an early pregnancy loss. We used propensity score matching to remove initial selection bias. Although we found limited effects for the whole group of near miss women, the results indicated negative impacts: a) for near miss women with a live birth, on child development and education, on relatively expensive food consumption and on women’s quality of life; b) for near miss women with perinatal death, on relatively expensive foods consumption and children’s education and c) for near miss women who had an early pregnancy loss, on overall food security. Our results showed that severe obstetric complications have long lasting consequences for different groups of women and their children and highlighted the need for carefully targeted interventions.

Given the current low contraceptive use and corresponding high levels of unwanted pregnancies leading to induced abortions and poor maternal health outcomes among rural populations, a detailed understanding of the factors that limit contraceptive use is essential. Our study investigated household and health facility factors that influence contraceptive use decisions among rural women in rural Burkina Faso. We collected data on fertile non-pregnant women in 24 rural districts in 2014. Of 8,657 women, 1,098 used a modern contraceptive. Women having a living son, a child younger than one year, and household wealth were more likely to use modern contraceptives. Women in polygamous marriages and women living at least 5 kilometers from a health facility were less likely to use contraception. We conclude that modern contraceptive use remains weak, hence, programs aiming to encourage contraceptive use must address barriers at both the health facility and the household level.

Little is known about the costs and consequences of abortions to women and their households. Our aim was to study both costs and consequences of induced and spontaneous abortions and complications. We carried out a cross-sectional study between February and September 2012 in Ouagadougou, the capital city of Burkina Faso. Quantitative data of 305 women whose pregnancy ended with either an induced or a spontaneous abortion were prospectively collected on sociodemographic, asset ownership, medical and health expenditures including pre-referral costs following the patient’s perspective. Descriptive analysis and regression analysis of costs were performed. We found that women with induced abortion were often single or never married, younger, more educated and had earlier pregnancies than women with spontaneous abortion. They also tended to be more often under parents’ guardianship compared with women with spontaneous abortion. Women with induced abortion paid much more money to obtain abortion and treatment of the resulting complications compared with women with spontaneous abortion: US$89 (44 252 CFA ie franc of the African Financial Community) vs US$56 (27 668 CFA). The results also suggested that payments associated with induced abortion were catastrophic as they consumed 15% of the gross domestic product per capita. Additionally, 11–16% of total households appeared to have resorted to coping strategies in order to face costs. Both induced and spontaneous abortions may incur high expenses with short-term economic repercussions on households’ poverty. Actions are needed in order to reduce the financial burden of abortion costs and promote an effective use of contraceptives.

BackgroundBurkina Faso introduced the Integrated Management of Childhood Illnesses (IMCI) strategy in 2003. However, an evaluation conducted in 2013 found that only 28 % of children were assessed for three danger signs as recommended by IMCI, and only 15 % of children were correctly classified. About 30 % of children were correctly prescribed with an antibiotic for suspected pneumonia or oral rehydration salts (ORS) for diarrhoea, and 40 % were correctly referred. Recent advances in information and communication technologies (ICT) and use of electronic clinical protocols hold the potential to transform healthcare delivery in low-income countries. However, no evidence is available on the effect of ICT on adherence to IMCI. This paper describes the research protocol of a mixed methods study that aims to measure the effect of the Integrated electronic Diagnosis Approach innovation (an electronic IMCI protocol provided to nurses) in two regions of Burkina Faso.Methods/designThe study combines a stepped-wedge trial, a realistic evaluation and an economic study in order to capture the effect of the innovation after its introduction on the level of adherence, cost and acceptability.DiscussionThe main challenge is to interconnect the three substudies. In integrating outcome, process and cost data, we focus on three key questions: (i) How does the effectiveness and the cost of the intervention vary by type of health worker and type of health centre? (ii) What is the impact of changes in the content, coverage and quality of the IeDA intervention on adherence and cost-effectiveness? (iii) What mechanisms of change (including costs) might explain the relationship between the IeDA intervention and adherence?Trial registrationClinicaltrials.gov, NCT02341469.

IntroductionDespite the universal recognition of unsafe abortion as a major public health problem, very little research has been conducted to document its precipitating factors in Burkina Faso. Our aim was to investigate the key determinants of induced abortion in a sample of women who sought postabortion care.Materials and methodsA cross-sectional household survey was carried out from February to September 2012 in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Data of 37 women who had had an induced abortion and 267 women who had had a spontaneous abortion were prospectively collected on sociodemographic characteristics, pregnancy and birth history, abortion experience, including previous abortion experience, and selected clinical information, including the type of abortion. A two-step regression analysis consisting of a univariate and a multivariate logistic regression was run on Stata version 11.2 in order to identify the key determinants of induced abortion.ResultsThe findings indicated that 12% of all abortions were certainly induced. Three key factors were significantly and positively associated with the probability of having an induced abortion: whether the woman reported that her pregnancy was unwanted (odds ratio [OR] 10.45, 95% confidence interval [CI] 3.59–30.41); whether the woman reported was living in a household headed by her parents (OR 6.83, 95% CI 2.42–19.24); and if the woman reported was divorced or widowed (OR 3.47, 95% CI 1.08–11.10). On the contrary, being married was protective against induced abortion, with women who reported being married having an 83% (OR 0.17, CI 0.03–0.89) lower chance of having an induced abortion, even when the pregnancy was unwanted.ConclusionThis study has identified three major determinants of induced abortion in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. Improved targeted programs on family planning counseling, methods of contraception, and availability of contraceptives should be widely promoted.

Cholera remains an important public health problem in many low- and middle-income countries. Vaccination has been recommended as a possible intervention for the prevention and control of cholera. Evidence, especially data on disease burden, cost-of-illness, delivery costs and cost-effectiveness to support a wider use of vaccine is still weak. This study aims at estimating the cost-of-illness of cholera to households and health facilities in Machinga and Zomba Districts, Malawi. A cross-sectional study using retrospectively collected cost data was undertaken in this investigation. One hundred patients were purposefully selected for the assessment of the household cost-of-illness and four cholera treatment centres and one health facility were selected for the assessment conducted in health facilities. Data collected for the assessment in households included direct and indirect costs borne by cholera patients and their families while only direct costs were considered for the assessment conducted in health facilities. Whenever possible, descriptive and regression analysis were used to assess difference in mean costs between groups of patients. The average costs to patients’ households and health facilities for treating an episode of cholera amounted to US$65.6 and US$59.7 in 2016 for households and health facilities, respectively equivalent to international dollars (I$) 249.9 and 227.5 the same year. Costs incurred in treating a cholera episode were proportional to duration of hospital stay. Moreover, 52% of households used coping strategies to compensate for direct and indirect costs imposed by the disease. Both households and health facilities could avert significant treatment expenditures through a broader use of pre-emptive cholera vaccination. These findings have direct policy implications regarding priority investments for the prevention and control of cholera.