This paper considers the ways in which accounts from GlasgowCatholics diverge from those of Protestants and explores the reasons why people leave jobs, including health grounds. Accounts reveal experiences distinctive to Catholics, of health-threatening stress, obstacles to career progression within (mainly) private-sector organisations, and interactional difficulties which create particular problems for (mainly) middle class men. This narrows the employment options for upwardly mobile Catholics, who may then resort to self-employment or other similarly stressful options. The paper considers whether the competence of Catholics or Catholic cultural factors are implicated in thwarting social mobility among Catholics or, alternatively, whether institutional sectarianism is involved. We conclude that, of these options, theories of institutional sectarianism provide the hypothesis which currently best fits these data. In Glasgow, people of indigenous Irish descent are recognisable from their names and Catholic background and are identified as Catholic by others. Overt historical exclusion of Catholics from middle class employment options now seems to take unrecognised forms in routine assumptions and practices which restrict Catholic employment opportunities. It is argued that younger Catholics use education to overcome the obstacles to mobility faced by older people and circumvent exclusions by recourse to middle class public-sector employment. This paper aims to link historical, structural and sectarian patterns of employment experience to accounts of health and work, and in so doing to contribute to an explanation for the relatively poor health of Catholic Glaswegians with Irish roots.
A recent article on sectarianism in Scotland in Ethnic and Racial Studies by Bruce et al . sought to undermine the conclusions of a previous paper of ours, also published in this journal. Bruce et al . contend that sectarianism is a myth, while we have provided new qualitative evidence for personal experience of anti-Catholic discrimination in employment, which clearly contradicts their thesis. To contextualize these papers, we have summarized some of the key points of the evidence, and of the increasing concern about sectarianism in Scotland. In an effort to ridicule this concern, Bruce has attacked us as he has previously attacked a number of others. He and his co-authors accuse us of relying on respondents' fallible judgements about the actual and appropriate proportions of Catholics in workplaces; then they try to interpret some of our respondents' statements and their own quantitative evidence as supporting their myth hypothesis. We document here the process of misrepresentation by which they have sought to support their allegations, and we re-affirm the actual argument which led to our conclusions. We suggest a more obvious alternative interpretation of their own quantitative data, while raising misgivings about their use of 2001 census data. Questions about sectarian discrimination in Glasgow in the period 1950 Á/ 2000 can no longer be baulked.
Using a survey instrument based on Lum's approach for measuring multicultural competence and the Multicultural Awareness-Knowledge-Skills Survey, researchers assessed senior-level social work students' cultural competence to determine effectiveness of BSW multicultural curricula in undergraduate education. Research questions included whether (1) BSW students are adequately prepared for multicultural competent practice, (2) multicultural curriculum content in social work increases cultural competence, and (3) sociodemographic variables such as race/ethnicity, age, and gender are significant predictors of self-reported multi-cultural competence. Results indicate that BSW students receive some instruction on cultural awareness, but such instruction may not translate into multicultural competence. Implications for clarifying the social work educator's role in the preparation of social workers who are multiculturally competent are discussed.
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