In this article, we demonstrate that the collective actions of undocumented migrants possess similar symbolic dimensions, even if the contexts of their actions differ. We explain this finding by focusing on the power relations that undocumented migrants face. Given that they occupy a very specific position in society (i.e., they are neither included in nor completely excluded from citizenship), they experience similar forms of power relations vis-à-vis public authorities in different countries. We argue that this leads them to participate in collective actions as acts of emancipation. Our analysis illustrates this argument by comparing marches by undocumented migrants in three countries: France, Germany and Canada-Quebec. Through an in-depth analysis, we demonstrate that these marches redefine the legal order and politicize the presence of undocumented migrants in the public sphere. By highlighting the cognitive, emotional and relational dimensions of collective actions, we show that the symbolic dimension of these three marches relates to the empowerment, pride and solidarity of undocumented migrants.

Mobilizing in borderline citizenship regimes. A comparative analysis of undocumented migrants' collective actions 1 This article seeks to explain how and why groups and networks of undocumented migrants mobilizing in Berlin, Montreal and Paris since the beginning of the 2000s construct different types of claims. We explore the relationship between undocumented migrants and state authorities at the local level through the concept of the citizenship regime and its specific application to undocumented migrants (which we describe as the "borderline citizenship regime"). Despite their common formal exclusion from citizenship, non-status migrants experience different degrees and forms of exclusion in their daily lives, in terms of access to certain rights and services, recognition and belonging within the state (whether through formally or non-formally recognized means). As a result, they have an opportunity to create different, specific forms of leeway in the society in which they live. The concurrence of these different degrees of exclusion and different forms of leeway defines specific conditions of mobilization. We demonstrate how the content of their claims are influenced by these conditions of mobilization. Pierre Monforte is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Centre de recherche sur les politiques et le Développement social (CPDS), University of Montreal. His work focuses on the mobilizations of migrants from a comparative perspective and on transnationalization processes. He obtained his PhD at the European

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Cet article propose une compréhension du processus politique qui a conduit à l’adoption de la Loi visant à lutter contre la pauvreté et l’exclusion sociale à l’automne 2002 au Québec. Après avoir formalisé la structure normale de représentation au Québec selon six dimensions, l’article montre comment la mobilisation autour du Collectif pour un Québec sans pauvreté a permis un renversement temporaire de cette structure. Deux éléments apparaissent, à cet égard, particulièrement importants : l’investissement de l’arène législative par le Collectif et la production, par les personnes pauvres elles-mêmes, des solutions mises de l’avant dans le projet de loi.This paper is an attempt to apprehend the political process that resulted in the adoption of Bill 112 (fall 2002), the Quebec Law against poverty and social exclusion. The first part of the paper describes the “normal” structure of representation in the Quebec society along six dimensions. The second part shows how the social mobilisation of the Collectif pour un Québec sans pauvreté has successfully (but temporarily) modified the political process. Two elements appear central : the fact that the Collectif had invested the legislative arena and the fact that poor people were themselves producing the political solutions of the bill

Résumé. À travers l'analyse du conflit étudiant du printemps 2012 au Québec, nous montrons comment les mouvements sociaux peuvent changer, temporairement, le politique. Le politique est entendu ici comme l'ensemble des règles et pratiques individuelles et collectives qui régissent les relations entre les acteurs à propos du gouvernement de la communauté. Plus précisément, nous montrons que le mouvement de contestation a transformé le politique de trois manières. Premièrement, les six mois du conflit étudiant ont créé un nouveau clivage autour duquel la vie politique s'est réorganisée. Deuxièmement, les acteurs partisans et les associations étudiantes ont modifié leurs pratiques et actions quotidiennes, redéfinissant leur mode de relations et leur politique d'alliance. Troisièmement, l'expérience prolongée de la mobilisation a changé le rapport au politique pour les individus mobilisés en bousculant les articulations usuelles entre l'usage de la politique institutionnelle et celui de la politique protestataire.Abstract. Using the case of the 2012 student conflict in Québec, we show how social movements can temporarily transform politics. We define politics as the set of rules and individual and collective practices that regulate relations between actors regarding a community's government. We show three ways in which the 2012 student conflict transformed politics. Firstly, the six-month conflict created a new division around which politics reorganized itself. Secondly, political parties and student unions modified their daily practices, redefining their relationships and policies of alliance. Finally, the prolonged experience of mobilization transformed activists' relationship to politics by rearticulating the distinction between institutional and protest politics « En un moment, la couleur rouge, comme autant d'étincelles jaillissant, de mains

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The objective of the article is to show that in order to understand the ongoing transnational mobilizations of the European wing of the World March of Women (WMW) between 2000 and 2006 we also need to consider the politics of scale of the transnational social movements' mobilizations. The WMW is a transnational collective action that integrates women from grassroots organizations, labor unions, and leftist political parties in over 150 countries (approximately 6,000 groups) into a process of transnationalization of solidarities. Copyright (c) 2007 by the Southwestern Social Science Association.

While the emergence of transnational social movements has been intensively studied, the continuity of sustained transnational mobilizations has received much less attention. Building on recent research in the field of transnational activism, we examine the case of the World March of Women (WMW), a mobilization of 6,000 associations, unions, and political parties in 163 countries that organized global mobilizations in 2000 and 2005. We argue that the process leading to the 2005 actions constitutes a "collective identity moment" for the WMW. Using semistructured qualitative interviews with leaders of the WMW and detailed case analyses, we demonstrate that this moment was manifested by three dimensions: a change of the activists' main global interlocutor; the use of the transnationalization process as an end in itsel—and not simply as a tool or a mobilization strategy;and the redirection of activists' energy into establishing collective unity as opposed to making direct external gains. This identity moment is the result of a dual process involving the articulation of past mobilizations with new perspectives and the continuing articulation of multiple activist identities.