When considering cultures and peoples in virtually any context, there can be an underlying tendency to compartmentalise these groups and make assumptions about their features and characteristics that are not necessarily borne out in practice. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the analysis of the dichotomy of traditional and modern societies presented in the writings of the American economists Walt Rostow and Neil Smelser. Rostow and Smelser both cast traditional, non-European communities as having rigid hierarchical systems, limited opportunities for social mobility, fixed limits on productive capacity, low formal educational attainment, and a generally static state of development. 1 A challenge to this depreciatory portrayal was made by the Latin American economist Andre Gunder Frank, who methodically dismantled these stifling classifications of traditional societies. Frank pointed out that constructs used by Rostow and Smelser were essentially a European-imposed perception of how traditional communities operated, and ignored the substantial capacity of these commuities for development – a capacity that would only materialise if such communities were given sufficient self-determination. The debate about the perception, nature, and capacity of so-called traditional societies in the modern world has a direct bearing on the expectations and understandings of urban Maori in Aotearoa/New Zealand. This chapter explores several themes arising out of an examination of some of the social and structural aspects of Maori urbanisation. These lead to the conclusion that the emergence of Maori urban authorities are now a permanent feature in Maori society, and are an entirely legitimate form of association, in both a structural and cultural sense.
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Mika is famous for his boundary-bursting performances, and as a lifestyle liberationist who has used his brand more to create social change than to campaign for an Oscar. Working with young people, including those who might be termed ‘at risk’, has always been at his core, even if he’s kept that kind of work predominantly ‘in the closet’. He auditions them, trains them up, enforces health literacy, financial literacy and political and cultural awareness, whilst teaching them how to sing, dance, act and manage themselves onstage and off. He transforms these young people into ‘emerging leaders’, invests them with social capital and encourages them to perform their own empowerment. He’s been doing this a very long time, in fact: from the early 1980s in Christchurch with the Coloured Crew Lockers to his creation of Torotoro in the early 2000s, and now under the auspices of the Mika Haka Foundation. The images here offer a glimpse into Mika’s current collaborations, which will be the topic of a conversation between Mika and Pare Keiha, the Chair of the Mika Haka Foundation Trust Board, as moderated by Sharon Mazer at the Ka Haka Empowering Performance: Māori and Indigenous Performance Studies Symposium. We ask: how does educating young people as entrepreneurial entertainers potentially lead to their emancipation?
The purpose of this article is to provide a general survey of the nature of New Zealand culture, society, ethnicity, and the nation's economy in the mid-1960s. It commences with a snapshot of the country in 1966, and then explores various facets of the country in that decade, with a focus on selected political, economic, and social developments, and the role of Maori in the emerging society and economy.The nexus between a nation's culture and history, and its economic condition is well-established (Beugelsdijk & Maseland, 2010), with historical and culturalassessments providing a vital context to economic analyses (Hodgson, 2001). The sociocultural dimension to economics is critical. It provides frames of reference for economic data, insights into variables that affect economic performance, and helps to explain the decisions of actors in the classical and neoclassical traditions of economic analysis (Smelser, 2010).
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