Education is important for all children, but even more so for children with disabilities, whose social and economic opportunities may be limited. In this article, Laudan Aron and Pamela Loprest assess how well the nation's education system is serving students with disabilities. Aron and Loprest trace the evolution of the special education system in the United States from its origins in the civil rights movement of the mid-twentieth century. They note the dual character of federal legislation, which both guarantees eligible children with disabilities the right to a "free, appropriate public education in the least restrictive setting" and establishes a federal funding program to help meet this goal. They then review the types of services and accommodations these children receive from infancy through young adulthood. The special education system has given children with disabilities much greater access to public education, established an infrastructure for educating them, helped with the earlier identification of disabilities, and promoted greater inclusion of these children alongside their nondisabled peers. Despite these advances, many problems remain, including the over- and underidentification of certain subgroups of students, delays in identifying and serving students, and bureaucratic, regulatory, and financial barriers that complicate the program for everyone involved. More important, the authors show that special education students still lag behind their nondisabled peers in educational achievements, are often held to lower expectations, are less likely to take the full academic curriculum in high school, and are more likely to drop out of school. Only limited evidence is available on the effectiveness of specific special education services or on how to improve student achievement for this important subgroup of students. Improving the system will require better ways of understanding and measuring both ends of the special education continuum, namely, what services special education children need and receive, and what academic outcomes these students achieve. Without stronger evidence linking these two aspects of the system, Aron and Loprest argue, researchers will be unable to gauge the efficacy of the services now being delivered or to formulate effective reforms to the system as a whole.

The early onset of disability (at birth through young adulthood) can affect a person's employment outcomes in myriad ways. In addition to the direct effect of disability on employment, early onset of disability likely affects the acquisition of education and job skills (human capital). This reduced "investment" in human capital in turn may reduce the individual's employment and earnings prospects throughout their lifetime. If this is the case, people with early onset of disability may be doubly disadvantaged when it comes to later employment prospects.

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These results indicate that only a specific subset of children with special needs present difficulties for low-income parents' work. This suggests that policies to help low-income single parents of children with disabilities move into work should target this specific subset of children with special health care needs.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. University of Wisconsin Press andThe Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Human Resources. ABSTRACT This paper examines disabilities of older women and men and analyzes gender differences in the effect of disabilities on labor force participation using information on men and women aged 51-61 from the early release of the first wave of the Health and Retirement Survey. Our results demonstrate the importance of using multiple measures of disabilities (we use work limitations, functional limitations, and specific health impairments) to document gender differences and understand the connections between disabilities and work. We find that men and women have different rates of disability, and that both men and women working in occupations with greater physical requirements exhibit higher rates of disabilities than other workers. We also find that measures of functional limitations and health impairments both have significant negative effects on labor force participation. The effects of disabilities on labor force participation are larger for men and single women than for married women.