Women who exchange sex for money, drugs, or goods are disproportionately infected with HIV and have high rates of illicit drug use. A growing body of research has underscored the primacy of environmental factors in shaping individual behaviors. HIV/STI rates among sex workers are influenced by environmental factors such as the physical (e.g., brothel) and economic (e.g., increased pay for unsafe sex) context in which sex work occurs. Exotic dance clubs (EDCs) could be a risk environment that is epidemiologically significant to the transmission of HIV/STIs among vulnerable women, but it is a context that has received scant research attention. This study examines the nature of the physical, social, and economic risk environments in promoting drug and sexual risk behaviors. Structured observations and semi-structured qualitative interviews (N=40) were conducted with club dancers, doormen, managers, and bartenders from May through August, 2009. Data were analyzed inductively using the constant comparative method common to grounded theory methods. Atlas-ti was used for data analysis. Dancers began working in exotic dance clubs primarily because of financial need and lack of employment opportunities, and to a lesser extent, the need to support illicit drug habits. The interviews illuminated the extent to which the EDCs’ physical (e.g., secluded areas for lap dances), economic (e.g., high earnings from dancers selling sex), and social (e.g., prevailing social norms condoning sex work) environments facilitated dancers’ engaging in sex work. Drug use and alcohol use were reported as coping mechanisms in response to these stressful working conditions and often escalated sexual risk behaviors. The study illuminated characteristics of the environment that should be targeted for interventions.

Objectives Describe the prevalence and determinants of HIV stigma in 21 communities in Zambia and South Africa. Design Analysis of baseline data from the HPTN 071 (PopART) cluster-randomised trial. HIV stigma data came from a random sample of 3859 people living with HIV. Community-level exposures reflecting HIV fears and judgements and perceptions of HIV stigma came from a random sample of community members not living with HIV (n=5088), and from health workers (n=851). Methods We calculated the prevalence of internalised stigma, and stigma experienced in the community or in a healthcare setting in the past year. We conducted risk-factor analyses using logistic regression, adjusting for clustering. Results Internalised stigma (868/3859, prevalence 22.5%) was not associated with sociodemographic characteristics but was less common among those with a longer period since diagnosis (p=0.043). Stigma experienced in the community (853/3859, 22.1%) was more common among women (p=0.016), older (p=0.011) and unmarried (p=0.009) individuals, those who had disclosed to others (p<0.001), and those with more lifetime sexual partners (p<0.001). Stigma experienced in a healthcare setting (280/3859, 7.3%) was more common among women (p=0.019) and those reporting more lifetime sexual partners (p=0.001) and higher wealth (p=0.003). Experienced stigma was more common in clusters where community members perceived higher levels of stigma, but was not associated with the beliefs of community members or health workers. Conclusions HIV stigma remains unacceptably high in South Africa and Zambia and may act as barrier to HIV prevention and treatment. Further research is needed to understand its determinants.

Violence in childhood is a widespread human rights violation that crosses cultural, social and economic lines. Social norms, the shared perceptions about others that exist within social groups, are a critical driver that can either prevent or perpetuate violence in childhood. This review defines injunctive and descriptive social norms and lays out a conceptual framework for the relationship between social norms and violence in childhood, including the forces shaping social norms, the mechanisms through which these norms influence violence in childhood (e.g. fear of social sanctions, internalization of normative behavior), and the drivers and maintainers of norms related to violence in childhood. It further provides a review of theory and evidence-based practices for shifting these social norms including strategic approaches (targeting social norms directly, changing attitudes to shift social norms, and changing behavior to shift social norms), core principles (e.g. using public health frameworks), and intervention strategies (e.g. engaging bystanders, involving stakeholders, using combination prevention). As a key driver of violence in childhood, social norms should be an integral component of any comprehensive effort to mitigate this threat to human rights. Understanding how people's perceptions are shaped, propagated, and, ultimately, altered is crucial to preventing violence in childhood.

Stigma and judgment by health workers toward people living with HIV (PLHIV) and key populations can undermine the uptake of HIV services. In 2014, we recruited health workers delivering HIV services from 21 urban communities in South Africa and Zambia participating in the first year of the HPTN 071 (PopART) cluster-randomized trial. We analyzed self-reported levels of stigma and judgment toward (1) PLHIV, (2) women who sell sex, (3) men who have sex with men (MSM), and (4) young women who become pregnant before marriage. Using logistic regression, we compared responses between three health worker cadres and explored risk factors for stigmatizing attitudes. Highest levels of stigma and judgment were in relation to women who sell sex and MSM, especially in Zambia. Heath workers did not generally think that clients should be denied services, although this was reported slightly more commonly by community health workers. Higher education levels were associated with lower judgmental beliefs, whereas higher perceptions of coworker stigmatizing behaviors toward PLHIV and each key population were associated with holding judgmental beliefs. Training experience was not associated with judgmental attitudes for any of the key populations. Our findings confirm a high prevalence of judgmental attitudes toward key population groups but lower levels in relation to PLHIV, among all cadres of health workers in both countries. Planning and implementing targeted stigma reduction interventions within health settings are critical to meet the needs of vulnerable populations that face more stigmatizing attitudes from health workers.

Introduction Integrating standardized measures of HIV stigma and discrimination into research studies of emerging HIV prevention approaches could enhance uptake and retention of these approaches, and care and treatment for people living with HIV (PLHIV), by informing stigma mitigation strategies. We sought to develop a succinct set of measures to capture key domains of stigma for use in research on HIV prevention technologies. Methods From 2013 to 2015, we collected baseline data on HIV stigma from three populations (PLHIV (N = 4053), community members (N = 5782) and health workers (N = 1560)) in 21 study communities in South Africa and Zambia participating in the HPTN 071 (PopART) cluster‐randomized trial. Forty questions were adapted from a harmonized set of measures developed in a consultative, global process. Informed by theory and factor analysis, we developed seven scales, with values ranging from 0 to 3, based on a 4‐point agreement Likert, and calculated means to assess different aspects of stigma. Higher means reflected more stigma. We developed two measures capturing percentages of PLHIV who reported experiencing any stigma in communities or healthcare settings in the past 12 months. We validated our measures by examining reliability using Cronbach's alpha and comparing the distribution of responses across characteristics previously associated with HIV stigma. Results Thirty‐five questions ultimately contributed to seven scales and two experience measures. All scales demonstrated acceptable to very good internal consistency. Among PLHIV, a scale captured internalized stigma, and experience measures demonstrated that 22.0% of PLHIV experienced stigma in the community and 7.1% in healthcare settings. Three scales for community members assessed fear and judgement, perceived stigma in the community and perceived stigma in healthcare settings. Similarly, health worker scales assessed fear and judgement, perceived stigma in the community and perceived co‐worker stigma in healthcare settings. A higher proportion of community members and health workers reported perceived stigma than the proportion of PLHIV who reported experiences of stigma. Conclusions We developed novel, valid measures that allowed for triangulation of HIV stigma across three populations in a large‐scale study. Such comparisons will illuminate how stigma influences and is influenced by programmatic changes to HIV service delivery over time.

As the landscape of humanitarian response shifts from camp-based to urban- and informal-tented settlement-based responses, service providers and policymakers must consider creative modes for delivering health services. Psychosocial support and case management can be life-saving services for refugee women and girls who are at increased risk for physical, sexual and psychological gender-based violence (GBV). However, these services are often unavailable in non-camp refugee settings. We evaluated an innovative mobile service delivery model for GBV response and mitigation implemented by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) in Lebanon. In October 2015, we conducted in-depth interviews with IRC staff (n = 11), Syrian refugee women (n = 40) and adolescent girls (n = 26) to explore whether the mobile services meet the support needs of refugees and uphold international standards for GBV service delivery. Recruitment was conducted via purposive sampling. Data were analysed using deductive and inductive approaches in NVivo. Findings suggest that by providing free, flexible service delivery in women's own communities, the mobile model overcame barriers that limited women's and girls' access to essential services, including transportation, checkpoints, cost and gendered expectations around mobility and domestic responsibilities. Participants described the services as strengthening social networks, reducing feelings of idleness and isolation, and increasing knowledge and self-confidence. Results indicate that the model requires skilled, creative staff who can assess community readiness for activities, quickly build trust and ensure confidentiality in contexts of displacement and disruption. Referring survivors to legal and medical services was challenging in a context with limited access to quality services. The IRC's mobile service delivery model is a promising approach for accessing hard-to-reach refugee populations with critical GBV services.

Background There is a dearth of research focusing on sex work in exotic dance clubs. We conducted a cross-sectional study to examine the prevalence and correlates of crack cocaine smoking among a sample of exotic dancers. Methods The “block,” a historical red-light district in downtown Baltimore, MD, is comprised of 30 adult-entertainment establishments. Between 01/09-08/09, we conducted a survey with exotic dancers (N=98). The survey explored demographic, and drug and sexual/drug risk behaviors. Bivariate and multivariate analysis was conducted using Poisson regression with robust variance estimates to examine correlates of current crack smoking. Results Crack cocaine smokers compared to non-crack cocaine smokers were significantly more likely to report: older age (29 vs. 23 years, respectively, p<0.0001); being White (79% vs. 50%, respectively, p=0.008); having been arrested (93% vs. 67%, respectively, p=0.008); daily alcohol consumption (36% vs. 17%, p=0.047); current heroin injection (57% vs. 13%, p<0.001); and current sex exchange (79% vs. 30%, p<0.001). In the presence of other variables, crack cocaine smokers compared to non-crack cocaine smokers were significantly older, more likely to report current heroin injection, and more likely to report current sex exchange. Discussion We found high levels of drug use and sexual risk behaviors as well as a number of risks behaviors associated with crack cocaine smoking among this very under-studied population. Targeted interventions are greatly needed.

Research has documented health risks associated with sex work, but few U.S. studies have focused on the exotic dance industry. We undertook to describe the factors that influenced women's entry into exotic dance and explored the relation of these forces to their subsequent Sexually Transmitted Infection (STI)/HIV risk trajectory. Qualitative interviews (N=25) were conducted with female exotic dancers from June through August, 2009. Data were analyzed through Atlas-ti using an inductive approach. Economic vulnerability was the primary force behind women's initiation into the profession. Drug use, physical abuse, and enjoyment of dancing were often concurrent with economic need and provided a further push toward exotic dance. Social networks facilitated entry by normalizing the profession and presenting it as a solution to financial hardship. Characteristics of exotic dance clubs, such as immediate hire and daily pay, attracted women in a state of financial vulnerability. Women's motivations for dancing, including economic vulnerability and drug use practices, shaped their STI/HIV risk once immersed in the club environment, with social networks often facilitating sexual risk behavior. Understanding the factors that drive women to exotic dance and influence risk behavior in the club may assist in the development of targeted harm reduction interventions for exotic dancers.