ÖZ TURKISH-FRENCH RELATIONS IN RECENT YEARS: PREDICTIONS FOR THE 2017 FRENCH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS AND BEYOND ABSTRACT
Cyprus Dispute is one of the fundamental foreign policy issues in Turkish foreign policy since the 1950s. Cyprus Dispute has often been perceived as an issue above petty politics in Turkey, and almost all Turkish political parties supported the Turkish State’s involvement in Cyprus since the 1960s and Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974. However, after AK Party came to power in 2002, with the main motive of preventing a secular nationalist military coup, as well as with the aim of becoming a full member of the European Union (EU), the party adopted a proactive foreign policy favoring the solution in the island. That is why Turkey and Turkish Cypriots actively supported the Annan Plan referendum in 2004. However, upon the rejection of the settlement plan by Greek Cypriots and EU’s decision to accept Greek Cypriot government as an EU member and the only representative of the Cyprus Republic, Cyprus Dispute has transformed into a problem spoiling not only Turkish-Greek and Turkish-Cypriot relations but also Turkish-EU relations. In the 2010s, the Cyprus Dispute gained a new dimension with the gas discoveries and agreements made by the Greek Cypriot administration. So far, energy politics could not be used as a leverage to promote the solution on the island, and the dispute has transformed into a more complex problem with many layers.
This article takes stock of Turkey's contributions to and benefits from the NATO in the context of an evolving strategic context and an adapting alliance. Turkey joined NATO in 1952 in the face of the then Soviet threats. As a strategically important Southern Flank nation it relieved the military pressure on Western Europe by tying down many Soviet divisions in the South and also by constituting a formidable barrier for the Soviets and the Warsaw Pact for their aspirations to have direct access to the Middle East. The dual-track approach of dialogue and deterrence/defence pursued in the years of detente of 1960s and 1970s suited Turkey, whose dialogue and economic cooperation with the Soviets and Warsaw Pact states increased. Events related to Cyprus and in particular President Johnson's letter of 1964 implying that NATO would be unwilling to defend Turkey in case of a Soviet intervention resulting from Cyprus crisis, had a profound impact on Turkey's strategic approach and pushed Turkey to re-evaluate its overall foreign relations and diversify its external ties by opening up to the Third World. The end of the Cold War was brought about, basically, as a result of the decline of communist ideology and failure of the Soviet economy. While maintaining the priority of the collective defence function, the Alliance adapted itself to the end of the Cold War by agreeing to additional missions in its new strategy. Turkey continued to give priority to the collective defence mission and made important contributions to Alliance's new functions through a robust participation in its crisis management operations, to its partnership programs and in facing up the emerging security challenges. The crises that may affect the peace, security and stability in the North Atlantic area concern regions in Turkey's vicinity such as Ukraine or the Middle East (Arab Spring related developments). In short, Turkey continues to contribute to and benefit from the new Alliance.
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