Linguistic landscape (LL) research has been subject to a great deal of attention since the publication of the well-known research paper by Landry and Bourhis (1997), whose most quoted definition of LL covers diverse linguistic tokens, including but not restricted to government-related inscriptions, street-name signs, commercial signs, and noticeboards. There is an increasing number of contributions on the use of English in many LLs worldwide. However, there are relatively few LL publications on the use of English in the LL in Arabic-speaking countries (but see Al–Naimat & Alomoush, 2018; Alomoush, 2019). The vast majority of previous LL studies in non-Arabic contexts (e.g. Backhaus, 2007; Griffin, 2004; Hasanova, 2010; Jaworksi & Thurlow, 2010; Lanza & Woldemariam, 2014; Ross, 1997; Schlick, 2003) focus on analysing language on fixed or relatively stable signs, such as shop names.
The concept of the linguistic landscape (henceforth LL) includes all linguistic objects that characterise public environments, including but not limited to warning signs, instructions, public road signs, advertising billboards and posters, street names, graffiti, and notices on government and nongovernment buildings (Landry & Bourhis, 1997: 25). There is no doubt that the LL is a very significant domain for the examination of the cultural, socio-political, and economic changes that occur in a speech community (Backhaus, 2007; Gorter, 2017; Jaworski & Thurlow, 2010; Pakarinen & Björklund, 2017). The use of the LL approach to analyse how English is constructed and negotiated in the Jordanian context can provide new and important insights and evidence into the wide spread of English in a little-explored area, and can contribute to our understanding of the use of English as a global language.
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