The need to reclaim African territory -economically, socially, and politically -from imperialism and colonialism united Africans, especially after the Second World War, in pressing for the independence of African nations from colonialism is imperative. This period marked the emergence of Nationalism or Nationalist Movements in Africa. Nationalism presupposes African unity against European domination and rule in Africa or the creation in Africa united 'nation-states' as well as their economic and political transformation. Using the Nigerian case as analytical compass, this paper interrogates the concepts of Nationalism and Nationalist Agitations in Africa, especially during the colonial and the postcolonial periods. The paper employs historical and descriptive approaches and relies solely on secondary sources of data. The paper notes that, while all the ethnic-nationalities in Nigeria united against colonial rule and fought for its independence, sooner after independence in October 1960, the country began to divide against itself along ethno-religious-cultural cleavages. This division culminated in the Civil War fought between 1967 and 1970 and the continuous agitations by various ethnic-nationalities that make up the country either for more relevance within the larger Nigerian State or for outright abrogation of the State and creation of 'our own state'. These agitations are captured by the concept of Self Determination. The paper therefore concludes that there has been serious transformation in the meaning of Nationalism from what it used to mean under colonialism and presently under postcolonial state. The paper notes that this transformation is due in part to the colonial origin of the state itself and the insincerity of the postcolonial African leaders to make the state Rev Black Polit Econ (2017) a 'nation-state'. To reawaken the Nigerianness nay Africanness nationalism, the paper recommends a political structure, which allows each ethnic-nationality some latitude of self-rule/governance in the likes of genuine federalism. Also there is need for spirited efforts at engendering good, transparent and fair governance, which will rapidly take many Africans out of the mouldy pond of poverty. This, we hope, will not only results in development of the states, but also transfer loyalties of the critical mass of the populace away from their micro ethnic-nationalities back to the state and strengthens the state against centrifugal forces.
This paper examines the economic bilateral diplomatic relationship between Nigeria and China, especially since Nigeria returned to democracy in 1999. The paper argues that while official diplomatic ties were established between the two countries as early as 1970, there was not much bilateral economic, even political, relations between them until recently. However, since 1999, which coincided with the Chinese new orientation towards Africa, there has been an exponential economic relationship between the two countries. The main question this paper grappled with is whether the relationship between the two countries is inter-dependent or not? The paper is wholly qualitative and gathered its data mainly from secondary sources. The paper is based on the dependency theory and the theory of unequal exchange. Findings of the study revealed that, while Nigeria had benefitted immensely from its economic bilateral engagements with China, the relationship is largely imbalance with China being the dominant partner. josha.org
Thus, the discriminatory tendencies over the years have led to buildup of accumulated grievances and tension among the Egungun worshippers in Kisi and the constant violence was just a trigger of long years of anger, frustration and animosity. The crises usually lead to death, disruption of economic activities and destruction of properties worth millions of Naira. Nigeria is prone to conflicts owing to Abstract: The Nigerian history is laced with obstinate conflicts mostly constructed around differences in political, cultural, ethnic and religious identities. There has been an upsurge in such conflicts since May 29 1999. While much of the conflicts revolve around struggles for the political control, others are hegemonic religion contests that are usually driven by fanaticism and involve claims or denial of the rights to use public spaces for religious purposes. The contestation is wide spread and involves Christianity, Islam and Traditional Religion Worshipers. The paper focuses on religion conflicts involving Muslims and Egungun (Masquerade) Worshipers in Kisi, Irepo Local Government Area of Oyo State, Nigeria. The study utilized descriptive approach to examine the implications of religious fanaticism for citizenship and conflicts in Nigeria. Data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. The study revealed that in Kisi, some "Muslim fanatics" see and treat public spaces as the exclusive preserve of their religion and thus block the Egungun worshipers from using them for their annual festivals. The forceful resistance usually results to conflicts with severe consequences. The paper recommends continuous inter-faith peace dialogue and intensification of formal and informal civic education on religious tolerance in Nigeria.
This study aimed to establish how socio-cultural and economic factors support the endemicity of child labour trafficking in Nigeria. The research was conducted among rural and urban households and stakeholders in southern Nigeria. A field survey was conducted in Ekiti, Edo, Kwara, Lagos, and Osun States. The study utilised cultural relativism and the margin of appreciation theories. The qualitative research approach used in-depth interviews, focus groups, and personal observation methods to collect data. Researchers interviewed 70 participants, including parents/guardians, stakeholders (government officials and private agency representatives), traffickers, trafficked children, and their employers. Societal context, especially the perception of child rights, plays an essential role in creating conditions in which child labour trafficking flourishes and constrains global efforts to eliminate the problem. Specifically, findings revealed that poverty, banditry/terrorism, religious practices, socialisation, fostering, cheap labour/urbanization, and materialism are key socio-economic factors contributing to the incidences of child labour trafficking in Nigeria. The paper concludes that international child labour trafficking continues because conditions within states maintain enabling environments for child rights violations. Consequently, understanding socio-cultural and economic contexts within states is essential to develop policies and practices that help curb or minimise the harm of international child labour trafficking.
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